Anthropology in Action, 14, 3 (2000): ?–? © Berghahn Books and the Association for Anthropology in Action doi:10.3167/aia.2007.150200 Anthropology in Action, 15, 3 (2008): 8–21 © Berghahn Books and the Association for Anthropology in Action doi:10.3167/aia.2008.150302 Gift Giving and Thai Buddhist Monasticism The monastery in Thailand on which this research is based has a stable monastic com- munity and the largest mae chee population in the region. Whereas some monasteries have few or no mae chee in residence, this monastery has approximately 69 mae chee and 70 monks at any one time. The monastery is focused on the propagation of vipassana ¯ meditation to the laity; during the year approximately 4000 laypeople attend the monastery to do a retreat. In this respect, the monastery is part of the widespread adoption of meditation by the la- ity since the 1950s, identified by some scholars as the greatest single change to have come over Theravada Buddhist countries since the Second World War (Gombrich & Obeyesekere 1988: 237). Today this is a widely popular Alms, Money and Reciprocity: Buddhist Nuns as Mediators of Generalised Exchange in Thailand Joanna Cook ABSTRACT: In this paper I examine the part that women, in the ambiguous role of Bud- dhist nun (mae chee), now take in the emblematic Buddhist practice of alms donations. The monastic office of ‘mae chee’ is complicated. It is conveyed through the ritual adop- tion of religious vows and is usually undertaken for life. However, mae chee ordination is only partial and its status is far below that of monks. In Thai law mae chee are re- garded as pious laywomen (upasikas) and the Department of Religious Affairs does not mention them in its annual report. Even so, because they are said to have renounced the world they do not have the right to vote. Owing to this ambiguity mae chee are able to employ both the ascetic practices of renouncers (such as accepting alms) and those of laywomen (such as offering alms). Mae chee, while debarred from the alms round, both receive alms from the laity and donate alms to monks. Furthermore, mae chee re- ceive monetary alms from the laity on behalf of the monastic community as a whole. I argue that by handling money given to the monastic community mae chee mediate in a relationship of generalised reciprocity between the monastic community and the lay society. By donating alms to monks, mae chee appear to be reaffirming their status of partial ordination, yet in order for them to be able to receive alms donations from the laity they must see themselves, and be recognised by the laity, as an integral part of the monastic community. A nuanced understanding of these economic, religious and gendered roles is crucial to our understanding of the incorporation of women into the monastic community and the ways in which gift practices are related to interpersonal and group dynamics in the context of modern Thai monasticism. KEYWORDS: Thailand, Buddhism, alms donations, free gift, monasticism, mae chee