Pentecostals and non-Trinitarian churches with the derogatory Catholic term sectas, an unfortunate choice of shorthand that leads to the awful phrase ‘the onslaught of new sectas’ (p. 166). A thorough explanation of Pentecostalism’s rise in Oaxaca would have produced a more useful chapter. Told in functional if somewhat repetitive prose, this monograph covers a great deal of ground, and it brings the story to the near-present with its account of how Protestants supported embattled governor Ulises Ruiz (2004–10) in his long- running conflict with a militant teachers’ union and its sympathisers; Ruiz appar- ently reciprocated by facilitating a festival headlined by Argentine evangelist Luis Palau. McIntyre has set a high standard for broad-scope histories of Protestantism in Mexico’s states. Religious histories of other regions where Catholicism has lost much of its monopoly – Chiapas, Tabasco, the Yucatán pen- insular, and the border states – await similarly adventurous scholars. doi:10.1017/S0022216X21000857 Kees Koonings, Dirk Kruijt and Dennis Rodgers (eds.), Ethnography as Risky Business: Field Research in Violent and Sensitive Contexts (Lanham, MD: Lexington, 2019), pp. vii + 245, £65.00 hb. Claire Branigan University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign How do anthropologists navigate the personal, political and ethical complexities of conducting long-term fieldwork in ‘dangerous’ settings? In Ethnography as Risky Business: Field Research in Violent and Sensitive Contexts, 16 anthropologists trained by Dirk Kruijt in collaboration with Kees Koonings at Utrecht University (The Netherlands) reflect on the challenges and opportunities presented when doing ethnography in politically turbulent and violent settings. Unlike other meth- odologies of the social sciences, ethnographic research is based upon personal rela- tionships between the anthropologist and their informants that are built upon trust and ‘good rapport’. Anthropologists – most commonly community outsiders – must immerse themselves into the everyday lives of those whom they study. Known as ‘participant observation’, this somewhat elusive methodology can be messy even under the most peaceful of circumstances, and incredibly complex in violent/post-violence contexts. In these 16 chapters, readers will be taken to a var- iety of ‘risky’ fieldwork sites such as post-genocide Guatemala, gang-controlled neighbourhoods of Managua, Nicaragua and Guadalajara, Mexico to explore the ways in which anthropologists manage the risks they take in relationship to their own safety and the safety of their informants as a means of creating knowledge about the reproduction of violence and social inequality. 812 Book Reviews https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022216X21000869 Published online by Cambridge University Press