Book Reviews 247 Carol Upadhya, Reengineering India: Work, Capital, and Class in an Offshore Economy. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2016, xiii + 383 pp., `995 (hardback). ISBN-13: 978-0-19-946148-6. DOI: 10.1177/0038022918775452 Bangalore was once variously known as ‘pensioner’s paradise’, ‘garden city’ or ‘science city’. Today, however, it is called the ‘IT (information technology) capital’ or ‘Silicon Valley’ of India. What can best account for the change in nomenclature of the city is the arrival of the IT industry here since the late 1980s. This tag has changed the social map of Bangalore, transforming it from a region- ally cosmopolitan city to a transnational one. The coming of the IT industry around the time India liberalised its economy is also considered to be a turning point in the country’s economy. Carol Upadhya’s book Reengineering India: Work, Capital, and Class in an Offshore Economy is firmly placed in this rather recent history of the city. Such a book, examining the evolving relationship between work, capital, culture and class formation in India (or Bangalore more specifically), since the IT revolution took root, has been long overdue. In the book, Upadhya makes sense of this relationship by examining the ways in which the IT workforce is organised in the software industry and how it generates (middle class) value for IT companies and their employees. In doing so, she compels the readers to reconsider the newness of both India’s economy and what scholars have referred to as the ‘new middle class’ (also refer to Fernandes & Heller, 2006, for a critique of India’s new middle class). Rather than seeing such practices as a ‘by-product of globalisation’, she contends that they are deeply shaped ‘by the social and historical conditions of their making’ (p. 3). The production of ‘software capital’ has not taken place in a social vacuum, but has leveraged the social and cultural capital of middle-class, upper-caste Indians whose educational qualifications, soft skills and dispositions made them suitable for the new economy. A similar argument can also be found in other recent works, including that of Dickey and Fuller and Narasimhan. By focusing on the IT industry in general and the workplace in particular, Upadhya explores how the industry, the workplace and the work culture have shaped India’s new economy and the emergent subjectivities of IT workers. Bangalore IT industry as a hub of outsourcing has tried to imitate ‘novel’ forms of work and management practices that originate in the Silicon Valley. Presented as a clean break from the labour practices of the old economy and practices of work, the new economy, as epitomised by the IT industry, emphasises on the flexibility of work, flattening of hierarchy, building of strong teamwork ethics and providing open and transparent workstations. Such processes have led to what Upadhya calls as ‘re-taylorisation’ of work in the new economy (p. 163). Upadhya deftly pulls out the incongruities in the ways the new industry has been presented by the media and IT company owners, and how it is experienced by the IT workers. For instance, the book provides minute details of how human resource (HR) management practices push the employee to work long hours, manage their stress levels and achieve work-life balance, while providing 24/7 outsourcing support to their global offices. Whereas the media has projected the