DEMOGRAPHY© Volume 18, Number 4 November 1981
RELIGION, SOCIALIZATION, AND FERTILITY
Susan G. Janssen
Robert M. Hauser
Department of Sociology, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin 53706
Abstract-Longitudinal data from a large .. sample of Wisconsin men and
women are used to examine the effects on fertility of religious and secular
socialization, including farm upbringing. Analyses of children ever born
(CEB) and of parity progression show that current religious choice is more
important in explaining fertility than is religion of orientation or denomina-
tion of secondary school. The effects of current and background religion
are additive, and the effect of current religion is the same for men as for
women at each parity progression. Catholic religious background affects
fertility primarily by increasing the likelihood of having a third or fourth
child; its indirect effects on fertility operate through religious schooling
and current religious affiliation. Unlike religious background, the positive
influence of farm background on fertility persists among men and women,
even when current farm employment is controlled.
The purpose of this paper is to analyze
some effects of religion and socialization
on fertility. The fertility of a single co-
hort to age 36 is analyzed in terms of
both the sequence of parity progressions
and the number of children ever born.
The main interest lies in hypotheses
about religion and socialization that have
been invoked to explain postwar trends
in religious differentials in fertility in the
United states. Separate but parallel anal-
yses of the fertility of women and men
are conducted.
Religion has been an important vari-
able affecting the desires, expectations,
.and experiences of fertility among mar-
ried couples. From the mid-1940s
through the late 1960s, researchers have
found that Catholics desire, expect, and
have more children than non-Catholics
(Bouvier and Rao, 1975); further, a posi-
tive association between religiosity or
devoutness and fertility has been found
in Catholic samples (Ryder and Estoff,
1971; Bouvier and Rao, 1975; Westoff
and Ryder, 1977).
The post-war trend in the Catholic/
511
non-Catholic fertility differential has
been characterized by increasing diver-
gence between the two groups up to the
mid-1960s and a more rapid convergence
in the 1970s. As fertility levels among
both groups have declined (over the past
decade or so), the convergence between
Catholics and non-Catholics is due in
large part to the much faster decline in
Catholic fertility. Westoff and Jones
(1979), drawing on theories of minority
group consciousness, economic develop-
ment, and fertility, have proposed that
five factors might explain both the diver-
gence and convergence: (1) social, eco-
nomic, and residential differentiation be-
tween Catholics and other Americans;
(2) strong minority group feelings among
Catholics; the tendency of Catholic
schools and institutions to contribute to
a separate group consciousness; (4)
church sanctions against the use of con-
traceptives; and (5) the secular forces
affecting the fertility of all segments of
the society. During the period of diver-
gence, the first four of these factors
strongly affected Catholics' lives; the
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