Published with license by Brill Schöningh | doi:10.30965/18763316-12340050
© Artemy M. Kalinovsky, 2023 | ISSN: 0094-288X ( print) 1876-3316 ( online)
russian history 4 (2022) 264–288
brill.com/ruhi
“The Pillars of Our Statehood:” Glasnost’,
Soviet Networks, and National Mobilization
Artemy M. Kalinovsky
Professor of Russian, Soviet, and post-Soviet Studies, Department of History,
Department of Political Science, Temple University, Philadelphia, PA, USA
Artemy.Kalinovsky@temple.edu
Abstract
Scholars of Gorbachev’s reforms and the Soviet collapse usually note that the last
Soviet leader underestimated the power of nationalist mobilization and acted belat-
edly, and ineffectually, to stop it. In this article, I consider the effects of the strategy that
Gorbachev adopted in the wake of the Alma-Ata events (remembered as Jeltoqsan in
Kazakhstan), when protests erupted after an ethnic Russian from outside the republic
was installed as first secretary. Gorbachev realized the importance of nationalist senti-
ment and was sympathetic to many of the grievances raised by intellectuals. He hoped
that better knowledge of the problem would help him manage it, and he counted on
the intellectuals to make common cause with their counterparts across the USSR . They
did so, but the all-union publications, institutions, and networks to which they turned
ultimately amplified nationalist sentiment and catalyzed the movement for indepen-
dence, undermining the prospects of all-union reform. I explore this phenomenon
by considering the Aral-88 expedition, the role of journals like Druzhba Narodov, and
knowledge production on the region among ethnographers and economists at the
Institute of Oriental Studies in Moscow.
Keywords
glasnost – nationalism – reform – knowledge – environment
A 1990 article in the literary journal Druzhba Narodov [Friendship of the
Peoples] began with a vivid summary of how quickly the Soviet image of Central
Asia had changed in the perestroika era. “Central Asia is an unknown land. Our
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