947 BOOK REVIEWS forthcoming) and Michael Clemens and Jennifer Hunt (“The Labor Market Effects of Refu- gee Waves,” NBER Working Paper 2017) showed that slight changes in the sample and com- positional issues in survey data can explain the substantially different findings between Borjas and Card. Despite the disagreement among authors, these papers have made an important contribution by demonstrating how very small, seemingly innocuous methodological choices can lead to starkly different results. Accordingly, future researchers will need to approach empirical work with significant attention to even small details. This volume on the economic impacts of immigration is much needed, as research moves quickly and previous summaries become out of date. This work should stimulate interest far and wide. Its scope and breadth should serve as a starting point for academic researchers considering tackling immigration questions. Furthermore, its accessibility should allow other interested groups across disciplines, industries, and the political spectrum to better under- stand and engage in issues related to the economic impacts of immigration. The need to understand the consequences of immigration has never been more important. Research on immigration is picking up pace and changing quickly, and this book will help us all keep up. Kevin Shih Assistant Professor Department of Economics Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute 18I Am Not a Tractor! How Florida Farmworkers Took on the Fast Food Giants and Won. By Susan L. Marquis. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press/ILR Press, 2017. 296 pp. ISBN 9781501713088, $29.95 (Cloth). DOI: 10.1177/0019793918776957 Over the past several years, there has been a dramatic growth in private monitoring regimes, in which companies agree to promote and enforce labor standards in their supply chains. Starting in the mid-1990s, American and European apparel and footwear brands and retail- ers began adopting codes of conduct and auditing compliance in their global supply chains. Often, this was in response to anti-sweatshop campaigns that “named and shamed” compa- nies for labor exploitation by their contractors and subcontractors. As my colleague Tim Bartley and I point out in an article that is forthcoming in the Journal of Industrial Relations, although codes of conduct and ethical sourcing policies have become ubiquitous in many consumer products industries, they have most often led to shallow forms of scrutiny and hollow claims of corporate responsibility. The failures of private regula- tion have fueled recent attempts to promote a “worker-driven” model of corporate social responsibility. At its core, this means incorporating workers’ organizations and community organizations into the setting of standards and the monitoring of compliance. Rather than relying on “checklist” auditing done by representatives of a brand or social auditing company, worker-driven models seek to establish a permanent on-the-ground presence and to draw on the knowledge and trust of workers and their organizations. One increasingly promi- nent approach is to forge binding, legally enforceable agreements between corporations and worker representatives, wherein companies commit in writing to holding their suppliers to particular standards and remediation processes. The best example of a worker-driven social responsibility initiative is the Fair Food Pro- gram (FFP) and Fair Food Standards Council (FFSC) developed by the Coalition of Immo- kalee Workers (CIW) to improve labor standards in Florida’s multimillion-dollar tomato industry, which employs more than 30,000 and accounts for half of all tomatoes produced in the US market. With the publication of I Am Not a Tractor, Susan Marquis has provided readers with a comprehensive and fascinating history of the initiative that reads like a novel. The agricultural industry has always depended on the cheap seasonal labor of African Americans, other people of color, and immigrants, and it has been notorious for violence, sexual harassment, unsafe work, wage theft, and in the most extreme cases, human traffick- ing and slavery. The CIW began its work in 1992, but despite its exposure of multiple cases of modern-day slavery, international recognition and repeated strikes, fasts and marches