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museum and society, March 2007. 5(1) 58-64 © 2007, Dicks, Perry, Hughes, Butts. ISSN 1479-8360
Book reviews
Laurajane Smith, The Uses of Heritage, London and New York: Routledge, 2006, paper,
£17.99, pp. vii+351
‘There is, really, no such thing as heritage’ (p. 11), Laurjane Smith declares in the opening
sentence of her book. With this she outlines her main thesis: that heritage is not a thing with
defined meanings and values, but an ‘inherently political and discordant’ practice that performs
the cultural ‘work’ of the present. It can be utilized by different interest-groups and individuals
for different purposes and with varying degrees of hegemony and legitimacy. It tells us more
about the present, in other words, than the past.
In a wide-ranging first chapter that traces the historical development of an ‘authorised
heritage discourse’ (hereafter AHD), Smith observes that the uses of heritage are consequently
often bound up with power relations, and specifically the power to legitimize and de-legitimize
cultures. This is because powerful groups have been actively successful, over time, in defining
what does and does not qualify as the nation’s heritage. Such hegemonic definitions promote
the idea that heritage is about a common national inheritance, lineage and set of innate values;
that it concerns a singular past that must not be tampered with (predicated on the Ruskinian
ethos of ‘conserve as found’), that it is evidenced through monuments and tangible assets as
opposed to other forms of expression, that visitors need to be led to it and instructed in it
passively, and that it derives from a universal aesthetics of taste and value largely determined
by expert rather than lay judgement.
In seeing these assumptions as constituting a discourse, Smith is able to show how they
establish powerful conceptual frameworks outside of which dissenting voices struggle to
advance alternative conceptions. For example, the dominance of this discourse has resulted
in the widely-held idea that conservation is about the preservation of selected and credentialized
buildings and tends to exclude understandings of heritage that are not focused on material
assets but on people’s attachments, identities or sense of belonging. The dominance of such
a view is illustrated by the heritage critics, who vociferously attacked heritage in the 1980s, and
who in the process mistook the AHD for heritage itself, defining their target in this narrow sense
and hence tarring all heritage with one brush. Smith also points out that many of the gestures
towards multiculturalism and minority history in museums today still leave unaltered the terms
upon which heritage is defined, allotting subaltern groups a place in the authorized discourse,
but not allowing alternative conceptions of what constitutes heritage to take hold. This echoes
Coombes’s (1992) analysis of museum displays that celebrate cultural diversity under the
‘banner of multiculturalism’ but fail to explore the unequal relations of power that underpin it. As
a result, subaltern cultures may only be exhibited as ‘scopic feast’ or ‘contented global village’
(ibid.).
In Chapter 2, Smith outlines a conceptualization of heritage that seeks to move away
from its persistent equation with sites, buildings, material objects and patrimony, and to
understand it instead as a cultural process – an approach that concords with my own view of
heritage as a form of communicative practice. It should be seen as a dynamic process, in which
the past furnishes the resources for conflicts and disagreements about what should be valued
and how. In recounting the lessons she learned participating in a heritage project with Waanyi
women in northern Queensland, Australia, Smith advances the argument that the heritage
dimension of the project was actually something living - located in the experiences and
performances that the women made of the historical site; not the site itself. This means that
heritage emerges as a relational idea: it is about how individuals and groups actively take up