The Extreme Right in Britain: Still an `Ugly Duckling' but for How Long? MATTHEW J. GOODWIN Introduction Traditionally, the far right in Britain has been associated with failure. Com- pared to their more successful continental neighbours, it was the relative margin- ality and distinct lack of electoral success of both the inter-war British Union of Fascists BUF) and, later, the National Front NF) that contributed to the tend- ency for academics to portray Britain as the `ugly duckling' of Europe's extreme right party family. 1 Despite alarmist reac- tions from the national media and main- stream politicians, the British National Party BNP), like its predecessors, has similarly failed to engineer electoral suc- cess beyond local level. Compared, for instance, to the ability of the Austrian Freedom Party to attract over 26 per cent of the vote and over ®fty seats) at national level in 1999, the con®nement of the British far right to the `lunatic fringe' becomes especially apparent. Yet in many ways the British case represents the most interesting. For instance, at certain points in history one of the most anti-liberal and anti-democratic doctrines has attracted a signi®cant level of support in what is considered in traditional accounts the classic example of a tolerant and liberal democratic society. Linked to this cul- tural aspect is the oft-neglected point that movements such as the National Front NF) have garnered noticeable sup- port despite public knowledge of proven neo-Nazi propensities amongst the party leadership. 2 Similarly, interpretations of rising support for the BNP in recent years should not downplay the fact that this has occurred despite various media outlets drawing attention to the party's history of anti-Semitism, political violence and Islamophobia. Political cultural arguments aside, in recent years it has been the performance of the BNP that has led researchers back toward the far right as a research topic of interest. For instance, in elections to the European Parliament the party received over 800,000 votes 4.9 per cent) in 2004, rising from just over 100,000 1.1 per cent) in 1999. Likewise, in general elections the BNP has seen its support rise from just over 35,000 votes 1997) to over 192,000 in 2005. Furthermore, in several localities such as Burnley, Barking and Dagenham, and `white ¯ight' areas in Outer London, the party has emerged as an important political force. Recent research has also suggested that to view the BNP as a movement con®ned to speci®c regions is misplaced. Rather, the rise in support for the far right should be viewed as a na- tional phenomenon, widespread across several regions. Rejecting the conven- tional view that the British far right can and will only occupy a marginal role in British politics, one study instead con- tends that as many as 18±25 per cent of the population would consider voting BNP. 3 As discussed below, whilst it is important to avoid alarmist and speculat- ive assertions, at least in electoral terms the BNP has unquestionably become the most successful far-right party in British history. 4 Importantly, the party has also proven itself able to attract media attention highly disproportionate to its number of elected oce-holders or # The Author 2007. Journal compilation # The Political Quarterly Publishing Co. Ltd. 2007 Published by Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA 241 The Political Quarterly, Vol. 78, No. 2, April±June 2007