Compound reflexives: Morphology reflecting semantics Ekaterina Lyutikova, Moscow State University 1. Introduction The prototypical reflexive context according to Faltz 1977 or Kemmer 1993 is a simple clause expressing a two-participant predication in which one participant is a human Agent or Experiencer and the other is a Patient or Stimulus, and in which the two participants refer to the same entity. A productive grammatical device which is obligatorily used to mark coreference in such a context is called reflexive marker. Among reflexive markers, Faltz distinguishes verbal reflexive (i.e. Russian ) and NP- reflexive (i.e. Russian ). An NP-reflexive can be monomorphemic (i.e. Dutch zich) or polymorphemic (i.e. English himself , Dutch zichzelf ). The major morphological types of polymorphemic (or compound) reflexives are discussed in detail in Faltz’s book. The most striking result of the cross-linguistic survey of reflexives is that the components of compound reflexives are the same in genetically and areally unrelated languages. This seems to signal that the structure of compound reflexives is semantically motivated. In the present paper I consider some basic types of compound reflexives trying to capture correlation between their morphological form and their function. 2. Basic types of compound reflexives 2.1. Some languages possess reflexive pronouns of the form <anaphoric pronoun + intensifier 1 >, as illustrated by (1a-c) from Irish: (1) a. ghortaigh Seán é. hurt.PST Sean him Sean hurt him. b. ghortaigh Seán é féin. hurt.PST Sean him SELF Sean hurt himself. c. bhí an t-easpag féin i láthair. be.PST DET bishop SELF present The bishop himself was present. Diachronically, the same situation obtains in English: modern himself contains self which functioned as intensifier in Old English. 2.2. A considerable number of languages distinguishes between two reflexives — simple and compound, the latter being morphologically based on the former. In Dutch, for instance, the compound reflexive zichzelf may be analyzed as <simple reflexive + intensifier>: (2) a. Jan zag zichzelf / *zich. Jan saw himself. b. Jan heeft zich / ? zichzelf aangekleed. Jan got dressed. c. Jan is zelf gekomen. Jan came himself. 2.3. In many languages, i.e. in Azeri, Kazakh, Tatar, Bengali, Tsakhur, Bagvalal, compound reflexives are reduplicated simple reflexives. Note that in these languages reflexives coincide with intensifiers, as shown by (3b-c) from Tatar. 1 I use the term ‘intensifier’ proposed by Ekkehard König (König 1997)