Present indicative auxiliaries in Zamudio: An Appendix to ‘Obliteration vs. Impoverishment in the Basque g-/z- Constraint’ Karlos Arregi Andrew Nevins 11 September 2006 1 Introduction This paper is an appendix to Arregi and Nevins (2006). We provide here a full analysis of the morphology of present indicative auxiliary verbs in Zamudio Basque, a Bizkaian dialect that is representative of the ones we discuss in that paper. 1 The data are from Gaminde (2000). In each tense, Basque auxiliaries are traditionally presented in four separate paradigms, each corresponding to auxiliaries containing different sets of agreement morphemes: (i) absolutive only (intransitive), (ii) absolutive and dative (psych-verb), (iii) absolutive and ergative (transitive), and (iv) absolutive, dative, and ergative (ditransitive). The paradigms for the present indicative in Zamudio are in tables 1–5. 2 These are the forms obtained after vocabulary insertion. Several readjustment and phonological rules modify them further, as discussed in section 4 below. The underlined forms are subject to the g-/z- constraint and are discussed in the paper. As shown in tables 2 and 5, absolutive agreement must be third person if dative agreement is present, due to the *me-lui constraint, which is operative throughout Basque. 3 The other gaps in the paradigms are signaled with the letter ‘X’, and are due to two different reasons. First, there are no reflexive forms (1st with 1st, 2nd with 2nd) in any paradigm in any Basque dialect. Second, many of the forms for 2nd person singular colloquial are missing in Gaminde (2000). As in many dialects, the colloquial-formal distinction is being lost in favor of the formal forms. 4 The forms in these tables follow this template: (1) Slots in the auxiliary: Abs—Root—2Pl.Abs—Dat—Erg—Pl.Abs 1 We leave the analysis of other forms for future work. Apart from the realization of tense in the auxiliary (which is ∅ in the present indicative), the main differences between the present indicative and other tenses have to do with tense- related allomorphy in the root and in third person absolutive agreement. Other tenses also have ergative displacement (Laka 1993, Rezac 2003), and taking this phenomenon into account would take us far beyond the scope of Arregi and Nevins 2006. 2 We use the follwoing abbreviations in the tables: A: absolutive; COLL: colloquial; D: dative; E: ergative; F: feminine; FOR: formal; M: masculine; P: plural; S: singular. 3 Although forms violating *me-lui are not possible in any transitive sentence throughout Basque, this constraint seems not to be active in intransitive sentences in some dialects. In Zamudio, older speakers have some intransitive forms that violate the constraint, although limited to first singular absolutive (see Gaminde 2000.) We have omitted these forms from table 2, since younger speakers do not use them. 4 In the tables, we have completely omitted columns for 2nd person singular colloquial, since all the relevant forms are missing. 1