Contesting Cinco de Mayo: Cultural Politics and Commercialization of the Postwar Fiesta By José M. Alamillo Chicano Studies Research Center, University of California, Los Angeles "Cinco de Mayo is not just a fiesta anymore, the gringos have taken it on as a good sales pitch. Back then we used the fiesta to accomplish something and made it work for La Raza," remarked Frances Martínez during a personal interview (Martínez 1999). As a longtime organizer of Corona's Cinco de Mayo celebration, Martínez recalled how Mexican Americans seized upon Cinco de Mayo during the 1940s to further the interests of the ethnic Mexican community (Gutiérrez 1993). Martinez's comments also reminds us how Cinco de Mayo has become a marketing opportunity for corporate America—from the onslaught of sexist television beer commercials to the all-you-can-drink happy-hour promotions. This incessant hyper-commercialization of Cinco de Mayo prompted comedian Paul Rodríguez to jokingly ask Los Angeles Times readers, "Aren't You Just Sicko de Mayo?" (5/5/98). Rather than simply bemoan how corporate America has changed the meaning of Cinco de Mayo from a symbol of anti-imperialist struggle and community self- determination to a drinking holiday, we should also to look to the past to examine the changing uses and meanings of Cinco de Mayo for ethnic Mexican communities and American culture in general. Although Cinco de Mayo is recognized as a national holiday in Mexico, celebrations are limited to Puebla and Mexico City areas compared to the festival's rising popularity throughout the United States. One recent study found approximately 122 Cinco de Mayo festivals in the United States, a majority located in the southwestern states 1