Holden Härtl Semantic non-transparency in the mental lexicon: On the relation between word-formation and naming 1 Introduction The notion of Eigentlichkeit (‘authenticity’), when approached from a perspec- tive of language philosophy, is associated with the quality of linguistic entities of referring to things in the world in a truthful and a maximally transparent way, cf. Gardt (1995). Obviously, there are numerous expressions that do not seem to conduct themselves accordingly and display a rather “non-authentic”, i.e., non-transparent behavior instead, like indirect and ironic speech acts or idiomatic expressions like Cat got your tongue? Not unexpectedly, though, such expressions despite their apparent lack of transparency have merits in their own right. These can often be explained on grounds of Grice’s conversa- tional maxims, see Grice (1975). For example, indirect speech acts, as is known, come to the benefit of adhering to the politeness maxim and a certain metaphorical characteristic is added in the denotation of idiomatic expressions. So, we can hypothesize a systematic correlation to be functioning between au- thenticity, on the one hand, and expressivity, on the other. In the current paper, the interplay between these two factors is investigated in the domain of word-formation. In particular, I will focus on aspects of se- mantic compositionality and the supposed naming function of novel com- pounds and how these factors relate to the perceived novelty or “markedness” of novel compounds. For the analysis, we will concentrate on novel adjective- noun compounds (Blauschachtel ‘blue_box’, Schmalmesser ‘slim_knife’ etc.) with occasional glances at noun-noun compounds where relevant. We will start from a lexicalist perspective and the conventional assumption that word-for- mation is the preferred route for establishing a concept’s name in German, put this assumption to several tests and prove it to be correct. In the second part of the paper, I will argue that a systematic relation holds between the markedness of an A-N compound and its interpretation as a kind name as well as its affinity to be lexicalized. Specifically, this relationship will be traced back to a prag- matic principle, which holds that deviance from a conventionalized form (that Acknowledgements: I am grateful to Sven Kotowski and Martin Schäfer as well as the audiences at the Linguistic Lunch Hour series (UW-Madison) and the workshop “Usage-based approaches to morphology” (DGfS conference 2013, Potsdam) for comments and fruitful discussion and also to the editors and Kim-Vivien Lichtlein for their support in the preparation of the manuscript. To appear in a special volume on transparency in language and communication. Berlin / New York: de Gruyter.