Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 61 ©2014 QSR Volume X Issue 2 60 M ost people in American society can probably describe the key ingredients in a “tradition- al” wedding. They include: a long white dress, low- ers, music, a clergy member, atendants in match- ing clothing, and a ceremony with a ring exchange, which is followed by a reception with a tiered cake. Although sometimes appearing centuries older, this Medora W. Barnes John Carroll University, U.S.A. Our Family Functions: Functions of Traditional Weddings for Modern Brides and Postmodern Families Abstract Keywords In many ways the continued popularity of traditional weddings in the United States may seem surprising in light of the increased rates of divorce, cohabitation, and non-marital child-bearing in the later half of the twentieth century, which have accompanied the rise of what has come to be called the “postmodern” family. This research draws upon in-depth interviews with twenty white, middle class women who recently had traditional weddings and explores the connections between the postmodern family context and the desirability of traditional weddings. Speciically, it examines how traditional functions of formal weddings are still relevant within contemporary society. Findings indicate that the traditional functions of weddings operate diferently in the cur- rent family context, but are important aspects of the appeal of formal weddings for modern brides. Large, formal weddings encourage extended family bonding, which may be more important now than in past decades due to the high rates of divorce and remarriage. New “invented traditions” are sometimes being included in weddings to allow for the participation of the wider range of family members that exists in post-modern families. Furthermore, having a large, traditional wedding may serve to decrease anxiety about marriage through providing a predictable entry into marriage and a testing ground for the couple’s marital work ethic. Weddings; Bride; Marriage; Tradition; Ritual Medora W. Barnes is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at John Carroll University (Cleveland, Ohio). Her main research interests lie in the qualitative analysis of life course transitions, gender, social change, dual-earn- er couples, and work-family integration. email address: mbarnes@jcu.edu “traditional wedding” (or “white wedding”) only began in the United States in the 1800s. Throughout the nineteenth and twentieth century “traditional” weddings slowly began growing in popularity and spread from being only rites of the white, upper class to include other classes and races (Pleck 2000; How- ard 2006). That traditional weddings became very popular in the 1950s should not be surprising as their themes in many ways expressed the values of that time, which emphasized traditional marriage and female domesticity. That traditional weddings have continued to remain popular – and have increased in size and in the average amount of money spent on them each decade since – is less easily understood. Since the 1950s, the institutions of marriage and fam- ily have undergone incredible changes. Marriage rates have declined; divorce rates and cohabitation rates have soared. In many ways the need to marry has decreased as marriage has become disconnected from cohabitation, economic support, sexual activity, and child bearing. These changes in the American family have been well documented, and along with changes in gender roles and the legal recognition of same-sex relationships they have contributed to an increasingly “deinstitutionalized” model of marriage (Cherlin 2004; 2010). As family structures become di- verse, and neither gender nor marriage needs to dic- tate one’s destiny, the age of the “postmodern family” has arrived (Stacey 1990; Cherlin 2010). Yet, how can these changes in society be reconciled with the con- tinued popularity of traditional weddings? Recently, there have been scholars from a variety of disciplines interested in the popularity of traditional weddings. They have explored the history of wed- ding rituals (Pleck 2000), the rise of the bridal indus- try (Howard 2006; Mead 2007), how weddings and consumption come together in a “commodiication of romance” (Otnes and Pleck 2003), and the relation- ship of weddings and heterosexuality (Lewin 1998; Ingraham 2008). Most researchers have emphasized the power of the bridal industry and consumerism in encouraging their continuing popularity – some- times to the detriment of examining other aspects. This study seeks to extend these explorations by fo- cusing on the relationship between the continued appeal of traditional weddings and the changes in the institution of family. How traditional weddings continue to play an important role in the lives of the families they touch has not been given adequate at- tention. Although the bridal industry has many tech- niques to encourage people to consume, unless the items or rituals “connect” to real people’s lives and beliefs (and in this case ideas about the family), they will not succeed. Examples of this principle can be found in looking at the successful acceptance of wed- ding bands for grooms (who previously did not wear them) that began in the 1940s as men went away to ight in WWII, but the failure of the wedding indus- try to convince a signiicant number of consumers that it is appropriate to purchase engagement rings for grooms in the 1920s or since (Howard 2006). This research draws upon in-depth interviews with twenty white, middle class women who recently had traditional weddings and explores why these recent brides say a traditional wedding was appeal- ing. Speciically, it examines if and how traditional functions of formal weddings may still be relevant within contemporary society. How rituals and their Our Family Functions: Functions of Traditional Weddings for Modern Brides and Postmodern Families