Reduplication in Kuuk Thaayorre Alice Gaby and Sharon Inkelas 1 Introduction This paper tackles an unusual reduplication pattern in Kuuk Thaayorre (KT), a Paman language spoken on the west coast of the Cape York Peninsula. * The data, first discussed in Gaby (2006), have been analyzed by Round (2013) in Base- Reduplicant Correspondence Theory; this paper provides an alternative analysis within Morphological Doubling Theory and examines the relevance of the reduplication patterns for the long-standing question of syllable structure in KT. 2 The data In KT, words whose first syllable has a short vowel exhibit internal VC* duplication (1a, b), while those whose first syllable contains a long vowel exhibit internal CV duplication (1c, d). Forms in square brackets show the surface effects of consonant lenition, which targets the output of CV duplication but not the output of VC* reduplication. The fact that vowel length is not preserved across reduplication follows from a more general fact in KT: length is allowed only in stressed syllables, i.e. word-initially and in a few lexically stressed suffixes. Data are given in IPA: (1) a. ɻok ‘enter’ ɻokok ‘keep entering’ ɻip ‘exit’ ɻipip ‘keep exiting’ jak ‘cut’ jakak ‘keep cutting’ pat̪ ‘bite’ pa t̪ at ̪ ‘keep biting’ kal ‘carry’ kalal ‘keep carrying’ peɻp ‘cover’ pe ɻ pe ɻ p ‘keep covering’ katp ‘grasp’ katpatp ‘keep grasping’ piɻmp ‘float up’ pi ɻ mpi ɻ mp ‘keep floating up’ * We are pleased to contribute this paper in honor of Wim Zonneveld, whose lifelong attention to morphophonology and syllabification has inspired our work. We thank audiences at UC Berkeley and the 2014 Australian Languages Workshop, Erich Round and Jonah Katz for discussion of KT reduplication and consonant lenition. All data are from Gaby (2006).