Share Tweet Tweet 15 1 Cover Whither the Tsampa Eaters? September 1993 By Tsering Shakya The late 1980s saw the start of unprecedented political developments in the Tibetan-speaking regions of the Himalaya. In 1985, agitations began in Ladakh for greater autonomy from Srinagar. In Tibet proper, over 50 major demonstrations resulted in the imposition of martial law in 1988, which lasted more than a year, and protests flared up once again earlier this year. Bhutan saw a sudden conflict erupt between the Tibetan-speaking Drukpas and the Nepali Lhotshampas. These evenls, which have their origins in the assertion of the Tibetan ethnic identity, can also be ascribed to the concomitant resurgence of ethnic identity among other groups in the Himalayan region. For example, the Gorkhaland movement in neighbouring Darjeeling district contributed to the Drukpas' fears, and the emergence of Islamic fundamentalism in Kashmir helped deliver the Ladakhi agitation for separate status. The revival of identity and the resulting political action is led by the most influential sections of the societies concerned. In Ladakh, the leadership of the movement is in the hands of the Ladakh Buddhist Association, which has become a de facto political party. In Lhasa, all the demonstrations are led by monks and nuns, while in Bhutan it is theThimphu nobility which is defining policy and action. While these conflicts have risen in different countries which have distinct polilical systems and ideologies, there is a connection between the diverse political happenings. This is not to say that there is a central organisation with a common objective which is engineering a simultaneous evolution of attitudes among the Tibetan fold. Each development is of course independent, and those engaged in political activities all over do not perceive themselves as involved in a greater movement beyond their boundaries. The connection is essentially historical and sociological — the recent political developments are part of the Tibelan-speakers' growing sense of ethnic identity, which is perceived as being under threat from the outsider. Who is a Bodpa? During the height of the Tibetan resistance to the Chinese in 1959, a letter appeared in the Tibetan Mirror, symbolically addressed to "all tsampa eaters". The writer had gone down to the staple, barley, as the most basic element which united the Tibetan-speaking world. If Buddhism provided the atom of Tibetanness, then tsampa provided the sub-particles of Tibetanness. The use of tsampa transcended dialect, sect, gender and regionalism. The term 'Tibetan', as used by Western academics, may be employed to denote populations which have common history and tradition, and share the worldviews and myths about their origins. Tibetan Buddhism and the shared myths provide the bases for social relationships and ideology. Although there is obvious diversity from region to region, there is a strong family resemblance in language, lifestyle and culture. There is no indigenous term which encompasses the population denoted by the Western usage. A local term such as 'Bodpa' can be used only restrictively, even today. The nomads of Changthang use it for the people of the Lhasa valley, while for the people of Kham and Amdo it means exclusively the inhabitants of Central Tibet. Significantly, the person using the term 'Bodpa' never identifies himself as part of the group. Among the Tibetan refugee community, 'Bodpa' is now generally accepted to mean the people from Kham, Amdo and U-Tsang. Even here, the term is used specifically to denote the people under Chinese rule and not the refugees themselves, who might have their origins in those regions. Meanwhile, the people of Ladakh, Bhutan and Sikkim, even though they have consanguinous and cultural affinity with the rest of the Tibetan world, are excluded from this definition. CHECK OUR NEW WEBSITE Home Archive Graphic Features Blog Subscribe Policies Search Himalmag.com Web Search