POLICY OPTIONS JULY-AUGUST 2015 95 ABORIGINAL AFFAIRS however, the accord was all but abandoned by the incoming Conservative government. Since then, we have seen social and economic conditions in many indigenous communities worsen and the relationship between Aboriginal Canadians and the Crown further deteriorate. Although the Kelowna Accord was abandoned 10 years ago, we argue that the pro- cess used by former prime minister Paul Martin to negoti- ate the accord may be the only way forward for improving the relationship between indigenous communities and the Crown. The Kelowna Accord was a $5.1-billion, five-year agreement designed to bridge the life gap between Ab- original Canadians and the rest of the population. The accord and the process used to negotiate it were meant to be broad and inclusive, and were unprecedented in scope and scale. Those involved with the accord maintained an open, honest dialogue that was driven by Aboriginal representatives rather than the federal, provincial or ter- ritorial governments. As such, it was a unique departure from the traditional relationship between the Crown and indigenous communities. The Kelowna process began slowly, with informal dis- cussions between Prime Minister Paul Martin and Aborig- inal leaders such as Phil Fontaine. The first formal meeting was held on April 19, 2004, and included nearly 150 partici- pants, including the Prime Minister, the entire federal cab- inet, provincial officials and representatives from Canada’s national Aboriginal groups: the Assembly of First Nations, the Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami, the Métis National Council, the Native Women’s Associations of Canada and the Congress of Aboriginal Peoples. This first meeting was intended to I f you open a newspaper or listen to the radio, it is easy to get discouraged about the relationship between in- digenous communities and the government of Canada. Aboriginal Canadians lag far behind the Canadian average on almost every socio-economic indicator, including hous- ing, education, unemployment, child poverty, and health and well-being. Many blame the federal, provincial and ter- ritorial governments for not doing enough to address these issues, and they criticize these governments for failing to establish good working relationships with indigenous com- munities. These are not new criticisms; almost all federal, provincial and territorial governments in the past have been criticized for their inability to partner with indigenous com- munities to create mutually beneficial public policies. What is the solution? This year marks the 10-year an- niversary of the ill-fated Kelowna Accord, a comprehensive, multiyear and multilevel initiative that was designed to forge a new, workable relationship and lasting change for Canada’s indigenous populations. Shortly after its signing, Christopher Alcantara is associate professor of political science at Wilfrid Laurier University and author of Negotiating the Deal: Comprehensive Land Claims Agreements in Canada (University of Toronto Press, 2013), which recently won the 2014 International Council for Canadian Studies Pierre Savard Award and the 2014 Confédération des Syndicats Prize for the best book in Canadian studies. Zac Spicer is a Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council postdoctoral fellow in the Department of Political Science at Wilfrid Laurier University. LEARNING FROM THE KELOWNA ACCORD CHRISTOPHER ALCANTARA and ZAC SPICER The Kelowna Accord may have been consigned to history’s dustbin, but the process that led to its creation still has much to teach policy-makers about the best way forward. Si l’Accord de Kelowna a été relégué aux oubliettes, le processus qui lui a donné naissance est riche en leçons pour les décideurs en quête de la meilleure voie à suivre.