Journal of Language and Linguistics 2(2): 283-322 (2003) ISSN 1475 - 8989 1 Minimality and Scope Rigidity in English Eriko Sato, Ph.D. Stony Brook University Abstract This paper shows that simple transitive sentences with two quantificational phrases (QPs) in English are, in general, unambiguous, and that the scope order between the two QPs rigidly follows their overt command order in unmarked cases. It is proposed that this is due to a minimality constraint, which exclusively applies to the chains created by quantifiers. The empirical argument for this is the Suppressing Effect, where the wide scope of the object QP is systematically “suppressed” by the presence of a certain QP in subject position. It is shown that the Suppressing Effect holds not only in multiple QP cases but also in wh/QP cases in English, calling for a uniform account in both cases.