Chinese Language and Discourse 6:1 (2015), 57–100. DOI 10.1075/cld.6.1.03tan ISSN 1877‑7031 / E‑ISSN 1877‑8798 © John Benjamins Publishing Company Traversativity and grammaticalization he aktionsart of 过 guo as a lexical source of evidentiality Vittorio Tantucci University of Lancaster his paper discusses the new aktionsart of traversativity, here deined as the category marking the phase of ‘getting‑through’ an event or a situation. Diferent from completives and resultatives (cf. Bybee et al. 1994), traversatives do not proile a phasal contiguity with the telos of a situation, and thus detach the ac‑ tionality of the event from a subsequent resultant phase. his entails that, along a perfective cline of change, the aktionsart of traversatives triggers aspectual dis‑ continuity or anti‑resultativity (cf. Plungian & van der Auwera 2006). Drawing on this, the present work focuses on the grammaticalization of the traversative particle 过 guò in Mandarin Chinese towards experiential perfect (cf. Cao 1995, Lin 2004, Liu 2009) and interpersonal evidential (IE) usages (cf. Tantucci 2013, 2014a, 2014b). I argue that the experiential and evidential reanalyses V‑过 guò are semantically and pragmatically prompted by the original traversative aktion‑ sart of the particle 过 guò. I further discuss this phenomenon through a quanti‑ tative and qualitative corpus analysis shedding light on the correspondence be‑ tween speciic written genres and the synchronic employment of V‑过 guò either as a phasal, an experiential or an interpersonal evidential (IE) marker. Finally, I suggest that actional discontinuity or anti‑resultativity constitutes a productive semantic‑pragmatic trigger of further evidential reanalyses of a construction. Keywords: traversativity, anti‑resultativity, experiential perfect, interpersonal evidentiality, Mandarin, grammaticalization 1. Introduction his work aims at establishing the new actional category of traversativity (经过体 jīnguòtǐ), marking of the phasal meaning of ‘getting‑through’ an event or a situ‑ ation. Traversativity difers from other attested actional markers or periphrases