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doi:10.1017/S104909651400208X © American Political Science Association, 2015 PS • April 2015 301
Timothy S. Rich is assistant professor of political science at Western Kentucky University.
His research focuses on electoral politics with a regional focus on East Asia. He can be
reached at timothy.rich@wku.edu.
FEATURES
Strategic Voting and the Role of Polls:
Evidence from an Embedded Web Survey
Timothy S. Rich, Western Kentucky University
ABSTRACT
What motivates people to vote strategically? Although a broad literature
addresses this question, few studies capture the point at which individuals shift from sin-
cere to strategic voters. Furthermore, the influence of polling information remains debated.
The analysis in this article tackles strategic voting with an original embedded experiment
in a web survey. Empirical analysis finds that respondents who were told of the margin of
error in preelection polls were more likely to vote strategically. This analysis also suggests
the limits to strategic voting even in ideal settings.
W
hat motivates people to vote strategically?
As one of the most consistent findings in
electoral politics, Duverger’s law (Duverger
1954) remains the basis for much of the litera-
ture on party systems. Simply stated, Duver-
ger’s law is that one-round single-member districts (SMDs) will
lead to two-party competition, whereas larger district magnitude
under proportional representation (PR) will produce a multiparty
system. Because there can be only one winner in SMDs, smaller
parties tend to drop out or align with larger parties that have a
greater chance of victory. Similarly, voters are unlikely to support
candidates who have little chance in winning. Thus, rational vot-
ers who are partial to smaller parties are expected to vote strategi-
cally, defecting from their first choice and voting for their second
choice as a means to maximize their influence on the election and
to avoid their least-desired outcome (Cox 1997).
Duverger’s law appears to hold in a vast array of countries
using SMDs (Amorim-Neto and Cox 1997; Taagepera and
Shugart 1993), whereas the empirical record in mixed legisla-
tive systems—which allocate seats to both SMDs and by PR
to the same chamber—is less straightforward (Ferrara, Herron,
and Nishikawa 2005; Shugart and Wattenberg 2001). Devia-
tions often are explained as parties and voters responding to a
larger competitive environment—for example, the influence of
a directly elected president (Shugart and Carey 1992) or federal
systems (Lago and Montero 2009). Despite caveats and coun-
terevidence (Grofman, Blais, and Bowler 2009), Duverger’s law
appears well supported in stable democracies and when ana-
lyzed at the district level.
A sizable literature identifies institutional settings for strate-
gic voting in SMDs and beyond, as well as conditions for stra-
tegic voting. Five conditions must be met for strategic voting:
voters must (1) have preferences among candidates, (2) see an
acceptable alternative to their first choice, (3) have information
about candidate viability, (4) expect the outcome to be close,
and (5) believe that their actions can be decisive (Acevedo and
Krueger 2004; Cox 1997; Darmofal 2010). If, for example, voters
realize that their preferred candidate cannot win and shifting
support will not likely change the result of the election, a sin-
cere vote is still expected.
Polls in particular play a vital role in strategic voting. For
example, nonscientific polling in young democracies and the gen-
eral lack of candidate information may lead to false expectations
regarding viability. Forsythe et al.’s (1993) experimental voting
analysis found that in the absence of polling information, election
results did not correspond to Duverger’s law, whereas Endersby
and Shaw (2009) found that the inclusion of preelection polls
led to largely consistent results. Similarly, Meffert and Gschwend
(2011) found that participants could translate poll information
into reasonable election forecasts. Polls have the potential to cre-
ate both bandwagon and underdog effects; however, at the very
least, they provide additional information about the likelihood
of an individual’s preferred candidate winning. However, expec-
tations also are heavily shaped by political preferences (Blais
and Turgeon 2004; Gimpel and Harvey 1997), and conflicting
information may encourage wishful thinking (Babad 1995). Fur-
thermore, it remains unclear about the level of polling literacy
that is necessary to influence strategic voting and whether, for
example, individuals need to comprehend margins of error to vote
strategically.
A major limitation in analyzing strategic voting is that in most
elections using SMDs, even if other nominal candidates run, the