57. Shi ji, 6.265: “Qin shihuang benji.” 58. Chang and Li 1983. Wang Xueli 1994, pp. 42–43. 59. Falkenhausen forthcoming. 60. Lai forthcoming. 61. On lamps, see Lai 2002. 62. For the use of shi meaning “to sacrifice to” or “to receive (offer- ings) from” in classical Chinese, see “Shuo ‘shi’” in Qiu 1992, pp. 143–45. A reference to shishi (dining hall or sacrificial chamber) exists in the Baoshan inventory. Many scholars have thought that this refers to the eastern compartment of the Baoshan tomb, where some of the sacrificial vessels were placed. However, the way the grave goods were packed and stored suggests that it was too cramped a space to hold the sacrifice. In my opinion, the inventory refers to an imagined place where sacrificial rituals took place in the afterlife. 63. Huang 2003, pp. 70–95. 64. Hunan 1981. Both tombs were burned and damaged by looters; Tomb 1 is better preserved. 65. Dabaotai 1989. 66. Huang 2003, pp. 90–93. Dou Wan’s coffin chamber is off axis on one side of the antechamber. 67. Zhongguo kexueyuan 1980. 68. Wu 1988; Wu 1995, pp. 79–121. 69. Lewis 2006, pp. 122–28. Although the imperial burial practice had tremendous impact on that of other levels of society, it did not always accord with the general evolution of the burial practice in early China. For example, from the middle of the Western Han period on, most elite and middling landowners, and even commoners adopted the joint burial style, in which a husband and wife were joined in bur- ial in the same horizontal chamber tombs. However, most imperial and princeply couples were buried separately in different horizontal chamber tombs. 70. For jishi see Hubei 2000, pp. 14–15, 51, 116. For cishi see Shuihudi 1990, pp. 104, 211. 71. Xin 2000, pp. 67, 71–73. 72. Xin 2000, pp. 322–24. 73. Wu 1988; Xin 2000, pp. 66–83. 33 In Michelle C. Wang, Eugene Wang, Guolong Lai and Roel Sterckx, A Bronze Menagerie: Mat Weights of Early China (Boston: Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum & University of Pittsburgh Press, 2006), pp.33-47.