Non-local dependencies in the nominal and verbal domain Lisboa, November 13, 2015 Non-local dependencies and the complex relationship between Case and Agreement Artemis Alexiadou & Elena Anagnostopoulou Humboldt Universität zu Berlin & University of Crete artemis.alexiadou@hu-berlin.de, elena@phl.uoc.gr 1. Introduction  In this paper, we investigate the nature of nominative and accusative case in Greek from a cross-linguistic perspective in the light of some recent discussion on the modes of case assignment in e.g. Baker (2015).  Two views on case assignment: 1. All structural case is assigned by functional heads via Agreement (Chomsky 2001). 2. Structural case is assigned by the principles of dependent case assignment (Marantz 1991).  E.g. Nominative under Agree: an NP has nominative case if and only if it is assigned that case by a T-like functional head that enters into Agree with it, see (1) from Baker (2015). (1) Overt NP X has nominative case if and only if exactly one verbal form in the clause containing X agrees with it.  Case assigned under the principles of dependent case assignment: Marantz (1991) argues that the distribution of morphological case is determined at PF, subject to the case realization hierarchy in (2): (2) case realization disjunctive hierarchy: i) lexically governed case, ii) "dependent" case (accusative and ergative), iii) unmarked case (environment-sensitive), iv) default case  In this system, structural e.g. accusative case is “dependent case” subject to the definition in (3), from Baker (2015): (3) a. If there are two distinct NPs in the same spell out domain such that NP1 c-commands NP2, then value the case feature of NP2 as accusative unless NP1 has already been marked for case. b. If there are two distinct NPs in the same spell out domain such that NP1 c-commands NP2, then value the case feature of NP1 as ergative unless NP2 has already been marked for case.  Nominative/absolutive is unmarked/default in the verbal domain, genitive is unmarked/default in the nominal domain.