1 Advances in Consumer Research Volume 31, © 2004 How Do Consumers Solve Value Conflicts in Food Choices? An Empirical Description and Points for Theory-building Harri T. Luomala, University of Vaasa Pirjo Laaksonen, University of Vaasa Hanna Leipämaa, University of Vaasa ABSTRACT In this paper, the value conflicts that consumers may experi- ence while making food choices are addressed. On the basis of a literature review, there may exist several food-related value con- flicts including novelty vs. tradition, health vs. indulgence, economy vs. extravagancy, convenience vs. care, technology vs. nature, and others vs. self. The key empirical issue of this study was how individuals phenomenologically experience these different food- related value conflicts. Our empirical data was qualitative and consisted of collages and interviews. Our data suggests that the most common food-related value conflicts are those between con- venience and care and between health and indulgence. These two conflict experiences are described and analyzed in depth. The paper concludes by showing the relevance of attribution and balance theories in moving consumer research toward conceptualizing value conflicts in food choices. Consumer choices are a common yet complex research phe- nomenon. Especially, in the case of food, consumers encounter multiple choices on the daily basis. In itself, food and eating are by their nature dynamic phenomena full of changing psychological, social, cultural and economic meanings. Connors, Bisogni, Sobal, and Devine (2001, p. 189) have illustrated this inherent dynamism and complexity in food choices and eating. “The abundance and variety of foods from which to choose is extensive. Social changes such as the increased participation of women in the work force lead to reduced time available for food selection and meal preparation, which further compli- cates food choice. Contemporary consumers have fears and conflicts involving food and health, and social norms about food and meal composition that guided previous generations appear to be eroding, leaving people with a lack of structure related to food and eating behavior.” For the majority of the consumers, food is involving in one way or another. For instance, in their study comparing food-related lifestyle segments in France, Germany, UK, and Denmark, Brunso, Grunert, and Bredahl (1996) found that Germany had the largest segment of uninvolved consumers which was still smaller than one- fourth of the consumers studied. This implies that consumers associate a variety of values with food. Values are often seen as synonymous with goals (especially general ones) which are receiv- ing more attention from consumer researchers. For example, Bagozzi and Dholakia (1999) stress that “we know little about what con- sumption goals are, how they are represented in memory, how they come about and change, or how they are pursued and achieved.” According to Martins and Pliner (1998), people seek sensory enjoyment, economy, health, convenience, emotional experiences, familiarity, novelty, and ways of impressing others from their food choices. A natural consequence of this multitude of food-related values is that sometimes value conflicts arise. The conflicts happen when “values are contrasted with each other and juggled according to their significance for a particular food choice” (Furst, Connors, Bisogni, Sobal, and Winter-Falk 1996, p. 257). It is exactly these conflicts in food choices we are interested in our paper. How usual is it that consumers experience value conflicts when choosing what to buy for food? What kinds of value conflicts are most common? Under what circumstances do the conflicts emerge? How do consumers solve these value conflicts? These are questions we try to answer in our research. On the basis of the preceding discussion we set three objectives for our paper. First, to review the existing literature concerning food choices in order to identify the nature of potential value conflicts. Second, to empiri- cally explore the extent and nature of the value conflicts consumers face in their everyday lives. Third, to offer conceptual ways and ideas to advance theorizing about value conflicts in food choices. Not so long ago Steenkamp (1996, p. 16) stated that “consumer behavior with respect to foods has not attracted much systematic attention by consumer behavior researchers.” The situation has improved since then, mainly thanks to the Danish research program and group MAPP. In line with this development, we hope to contribute to food consumption research by giving both theoretical and empirical attention to a poorly-researched phenomenon in order to provide building blocks for food-consumption theory generally. The rest of the paper is structured as follows. In the next section we consult the psychological, sociological and cultural literatures concerning food choices to review the repertoire of potential value conflicts. In the third section we briefly describe the method and data we used. The results of a qualitative pilot study are reported next. Lastly, we introduce two theories that can be harnessed to forward the conceptualization of value conflicts in food choices. WHAT KIND OF VALUE CONFLICTS THERE MIGHT EXIST IN FOOD CHOICES? We decided to organize the following discussion according to juxtapositions found in Warde (1997), Ekström and Askegaard (2000), and Mäkelä (2002). These juxtapositions include novelty vs. tradition, health vs. indulgence, economy vs. extravagancy, convenience vs. care, technology vs. nature, and others vs. self. Novelty vs. Tradition There exist consumers who consistently want to try out new products, brands, services and experiences. This kind of food consumers can be called either novelty seekers or variety seekers, but, by the same token, there are persons who can be classified as food neophobics (Lähteenmäki and Arvola 2001). They are afraid of new elements in food. In many societies, being open to new thoughts and ideas is valued. Food manufacturers and marketers are continuously bringing new products and brands to markets. Distant ethnic cuisines are introduced and gaining ever-increasing popular- ity. Magazines offer food recipes that are claimed to be new in one way or another. On the other hand, tradition has become appreciated again. One of the millennium trends identified by Shore and Cooper (1999) was labeled as “origins.” Sometimes traditional food dishes conjure up nostalgia, which has received attention in consumer research lately (e.g. Summers, Johnson, and McColl-Kennedy 2001). Tradition in food choices may be preferred because it creates a sense of security, continuity, and social togetherness. Particularly