Chapter 7 Inflected infinitives and restructuring in Brazilian Portuguese Marcello Modesto 1 7.1. Introduction The central question discussed in this chapter revolves around the contrast of two different classes of predicates in Brazilian Portuguese (BP), shown in (1)–(2). The class represented in (1) includes propositional (epistemic and declarative), factive, and desiderative predicates and so can be equated to the partial control (PC) class of Landau (2000, 2004, 2015). The verbs in (2) are implicative, modal, and aspectual, comprising Landau’s exhaustive control (EC) class. 2 1 This article is part of the State University of Campinas project “Portuguese in space and time: linguistic contact, grammars in competition and parametric change” (FAPESP 12/06078-9). I would like to thank the editors of this volume for promoting the “Romania Nova” meetings, where this work was firstly presented, and for organizing this book, as well as both anonymous reviewers for their comments. Remaining errors are mine. 2 The subject of nonfinite clauses is usually dubbed PRO and has been analyzed as an anaphor lacking a binding domain, hence exempt from the binding theory (Manzini 1983; Sag and Pollard 1991), an anaphor of sorts (Lebeaux 1984; Borer 1985), a pronoun (Bouchard 1984; Koster 1984; Hornstein and Lightfoot 1987), and a pronominal anaphor (Chomsky 1981, 1986; see also Kayne 1991). More recently, it has been argued (Chomsky and Lasnik 1993) that PRO is assigned a special “nonlexical,” or null, case by nonfinite inflection (and the only DP that can bear that case is PRO); or that PRO is in fact a trace of A-movement of the nonfinite subject (Hornstein 1999). My use of PRO here is noncommittal to any analysis. The notation PRO1+