A Tale of Two Cities: Predicting Homeless People’s Uptake of Outreach Programs in London and New York ATTITUDES TOWARD OUTREACH PROGRAMS CHRISTIAN AND ABRAMS Julie Christian School of Psychology University of Birmingham Dominic Abrams Centre for the Study of Group Processes Department of Psychology University of Kent at Canterbury Two studies involved structured interviews with 203 homeless people to examine the impact of sociodemographic variables, prior behavior, and the theory of planned behavior (TPB) vari- ables, attitudes, subjective norms, perceived behavioral control, and intention, on uptake of out- reach services. Study 1 was conducted in London, and Study 2 involved a comparable sample in New York. In line with previous research, the psychological variables accounted for more vari- ance than the sociodemographic variables, and there was no evidence that the effects of TPB variables were moderated by sociodemographics. In London intentions and behavior were most affected by perceived control and subjective norms. In New York they were most affected by perceived control and attitude. These differences may be attributable to different institu- tional structures and opportunities for service uptake in the two cities. Sensitivity of the TPB to social context and implications for intervention strategies are discussed in light of these differ- ences. Homelessness is a serious social problem that is demanding increasingly substantial resources from government services (for reviews, see Burrows, Pleace, & Quilgars, 1997; Fitzpatrick, Kemp & Klinker, 2000; Jahiel, 1992; Kennett & Marsh, 1999; Toro & Warren, 1999). In London, for exam- ple, the government allocated $378 million from 1990 to 1998 to assist “street-sleeping” homeless people through ser- vice programs (Randell & Brown, 1996; Rough Sleepers Unit, 2000). This is in addition to the $16.9 billion spent an- nually on social housing services in the United Kingdom (Shelter, 2001). Similarly, in New York, the city government spends on average $549 million annually to fund such pro- grams (Department of Homeless Services, 2002). The consequences of continuing homelessness are also well documented. They include poverty (Greve, 1991) and social exclusion (Klinker & Fitzpatrick, 2001; Pleace, 1998). Aside from variations in homelessness caused by wider so- cioeconomic factors, policymakers must devise methods of reducing the numbers of homeless and limit the problems caused by homelessness. One form of intervention is the pro- vision of outreach services (Jahiel, 1992; Randell & Brown, 1995). Outreach services generally take one of two approaches. Traditionally, these emergency-based services offer food, material goods (blankets, clothing), and advice (i.e., counsel- ing about housing, access to benefits), with outreach workers visiting homeless people on the streets (Jahiel, 1992; Randell & Brown, 1995). However, demand and harsh circumstances facing this population mean that outreach programs have also established bases where homeless people can go for assis- tance. Such facilities often provide meals (or groceries), shower and laundry facilities, clothing, and drop-in or advice services. Overall, outreach programs fulfill three main goals (a) they assist homeless people by providing food or other material needs, (b) they offer a point of contact for homeless people with mainstream society (i.e., social support), and (c) BASIC AND APPLIED SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY, 26(2&3), 169–182 Copyright © 2004, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. Requests for reprints should be sent to Julie Christian, University of Bir- mingham, Edgbaston, School of Psychology, Birmingham, B15 2TT, Eng- land. E-mail: j.n.christian@bham.ac.uk