LETTERS
PUBLISHED ONLINE: 2 DECEMBER 2012 | DOI: 10.1038/NCLIMATE1754
The relationship between personal experience and
belief in the reality of global warming
Teresa A. Myers
1
*
, Edward W. Maibach
1
, Connie Roser-Renouf
1
, Karen Akerlof
1
and Anthony A. Leiserowitz
2
In this paper, we address the chicken-or-egg question posed
by two alternative explanations for the relationship between
perceived personal experience of global warming and belief
certainty that global warming is happening: Do observable
climate impacts create opportunities for people to become
more certain of the reality of global warming, or does
prior belief certainty shape people’s perceptions of impacts
through a process of motivated reasoning
1
? We use data from
a nationally representative sample of Americans surveyed
first in 2008 and again in 2011; these longitudinal data
allow us to evaluate the causal relationships between belief
certainty and perceived experience, assessing the impact
of each on the other over time
2
. Among the full survey
sample, we found that both processes occurred: ‘experiential
learning’, where perceived personal experience of global
warming led to increased belief certainty, and ‘motivated
reasoning’, where high belief certainty influenced perceptions
of personal experience. We then tested and confirmed the
hypothesis that motivated reasoning occurs primarily among
people who are already highly engaged in the issue whereas
experiential learning occurs primarily among people who are
less engaged in the issue, which is particularly important given
that approximately 75% of American adults currently have low
levels of engagement
3,4
.
Climate change is affecting every region by increasing the
frequency and/or intensity of heat waves, droughts, precipitation,
floods, hurricanes, and forest fires, and through impacts on
ecosystems and species, including human health
5
. Yet, most
Americans perceive climate change as a problem distant in time
and space, and do not recognize its indicators and impacts in their
own localities
4,6
. Moreover, despite widespread agreement among
climate scientists that human-caused climate change is occurring
7
only two-thirds (66%) of Americans adults correctly understand
that ‘global warming is happening’, and nearly half of these are only
‘somewhat sure’ (42%) or ‘not at all sure’ (5%) of their answer;
moreover, only a third believe that they or their families will be
harmed
4
. Low levels of belief certainty and perceived threat, in
turn, indicate low levels of engagement with the issue, which is
strongly associated with reduced levels of support for taking action
to address the problem
8
.
One possible explanation for these low levels of belief certainty—
and perceptions of the threat as distant—is that climate change
is difficult to perceive directly; ‘climate’ itself is a statistical
abstraction, even though its impacts can be quite tangible
9
.
Current theories of cognitive science suggest that learning about
abstractions requires analytical information processing, which
1
Center for Climate Change Communication, George Mason University, Fairfax, Virginia 22030, USA,
2
School of Forestry, Yale University, New Haven,
Connecticut 06511, USA. *e-mail: tmyers.6@gmu.edu.
involves cognitive effort—a scarce commodity, which people
expend sparingly
10
. Both low motivation to think about climate
change and low ability to comprehend scientific information
11
can
impede people’s processing of the charts, graphs and models in the
climate scientist’s toolkit.
By contrast, experiential processing—learning through
experience—is much more likely to occur: it happens automatically,
effortlessly and instantly, and has strength and immediacy that
analytical information lacks. Peoples’ impressions of climate change
are probably shaped in large measure by their strong propensity
for experiential processing, yet information about climate change
is often presented in abstract analytical terms that are hard for
people to process and connect to their own lives
12
. Common
in both scientific and media reports
13
, abstractions make for
pallid education, and are less convincing than the vividness of
personal experience.
Indeed, people who say they have personally experienced global
warming are far more likely to be engaged with the issue than
people who say they have not
1,14,15
. More than a quarter of the
American public believe they have personally experienced the
effects of global warming
4
, and that belief is strongly associated with
higher global warming risk perceptions
16
, worry
17
, and response
motivation
18
. This pattern of relationships suggests the possibility
that as individuals experience the effects of global warming, they
become more certain that global warming is occurring.
However, a rival hypothesis suggests that perceptions of
personal experience stem from prior beliefs through a process
of motivated reasoning rather than from impartially detecting
changes in their local environment. The literature on motivated
reasoning in general—and cultural cognition in particular
19
—has
demonstrated that people’s prior beliefs about climate change can
strongly influence how they interpret changes in environmental
conditions (see also literature on Bayesian updating for a
competing perspective
20
).
People tend to seek (or avoid) and process information—
often using mental shortcuts—in a manner that is favourable to
their preferred conclusions
21
. Evidence that is consistent with the
desired attitude is accepted at face value, while conflicting evidence
is ignored, dismissed, or subjected to critical review
22
. Value-
inconsistent information can lead to ‘boomerang’ effects (that
is, strengthening prior beliefs)
23
, and can be avoided, forgotten,
or distorted
24
, particularly in situations where an individual feels
powerless to reduce a potential threat
22
.
There is considerable evidence that motivated reasoning influ-
ences some people’s global warming beliefs. Political ideology, egal-
itarianism, and individualism, for example, are strongly associated
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