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748 PS • October 2016 © American Political Science Association, 2016 doi:10.1017/S1049096516001700
Politics
Twitter Taunts and Tirades: Negative
Campaigning in the Age of Trump
Justin H. Gross, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Kaylee T. Johnson, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
ABSTRACT
What drives candidates to “go negative” and against which opponents? Using a
unique dataset consisting of all inter-candidate tweets by the 17 Republican presidential
candidates in the 2016 primaries, we assess predictors of negative affect online. Twitter is
a free platform, and candidates therefore face no resource limitations when using it; this
makes Twitter a wellspring of information about campaign messaging, given a level play-
ing-field. Moreover, Twitter’s 140-character limit acts as a liberating constraint, leading
candidates to issue sound bites ready for potential distribution not only online, but
also through conventional media, as tweets become news. We find tweet negativity and
overall rate of tweeting increases as the campaign season progresses. Unsurprisingly, the
front-runner and eventual nominee, Donald Trump, sends and receives the most negative
tweets and is more likely than his opponents to strike out against even those opponents
who are polling poorly. However, candidates overwhelmingly “punch upwards” against
those ahead of them in the polls, and this pattern goes beyond attacks against those near
the top. Sixty of 136 dyads are characterized by lopsided negativity in one direction and only
one of these 60 involves a clearly higher status candidate on the offensive.
I
n an age characterized by polarization in American politics
and an expanding role for electronic media in campaigns,
the time is ripe for an examination of candidate conflict
conducted via social media. Scholars have previously
sought to gauge the impact of “going negative,” attacking
opponents based on their personal traits, issue positions, or the
political party to which they belong (Surlin and Gordon 1977;
Skaperdas and Grofman 1995). As Peterson and Djupe (2005)
note, most research of this sort has focused upon the effects of
negative campaigning on voter turnout (Peterson and Djupe 2005;
Djupe and Peterson 2002; Kahn and Kenney 1999; Ansolabehere
et al. 1994) and vote choice (Lau et al. 2007; Kaid 1997). Relatively
few studies have investigated driving factors of the choice to
attack opponents; scholarship far more often treats campaign tone
as an explanatory variable than as an outcome to be explained.
To be sure, these two types of questions are not unrelated: if can-
didates and their advisors believe negative messages are likely
to be effective, they will be more likely to employ them (Lau and
Rovner 2009). To the extent that such considerations are strate-
gic, however, they are as likely to be driven by intuition and prior
experience as by research. So the question of what drives negative
campaigning is not reducible to the question of when such a strat-
egy is likely to be effective.
Empirical work treating negative campaigning as a dependent
variable has focused on press releases (Flowers, Haynes, and
Crespin 2003; Haynes, Flowers, and Gurian 2002), campaign
advertisements (Hale, Fox, and Farmer 1996; Kahn and Kenney
1999; Damore 2002), and news reports (Haynes and Rhine 1998;
Djupe and Peterson 2002; Peterson and Djupe 2005). In the 2016
US presidential primary season, social media have emerged
as an important weapon in the campaign messaging arsenal,
with Twitter
1
taking center stage. When it comes to newsworthy
events such as a presidential campaign, Twitter’s audience is no
longer limited to Twitter users; tweets themselves have become
news and thus, essentially free advertising for candidates. For the
first time, all candidates in a large field are active on Twitter and
have used the platform to provide running commentary, allowing
us to witness the emergence of negativity in real time.
2
Justin H. Gross is an assistant professor of political science at the University of
Massachusetts, Amherst. He works on political communication, political network
analysis, and measurement issues related to text and survey data. His current focus is
on ideological diversity in US opinion media. He may be reached at jhgross@polsci.
umass.edu.
Kaylee T. Johnson is a PhD candidate at the University of Massachusetts Amherst.
Her work focuses on political communication and social class. She may be reached at
ktjohnson@polsci.umass.edu.
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