220 american ethnologist The previously assimilated and economically successful German Jews established them- selves as patrons of their benighted coreligion- ists. This made the experience of the Jewish im- migrant cohort (ca. 1900) somewhat different from that of other groups who arrived in those tumultuous times. The book is enlightening for those interested in immigration, construction of identity, or American Jewish history. Glazier illuminates the unique organizational struc- ture of the early 20th century American Jewish immigrant experience. Mental Culture in Burmese Crisis Politics: Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy. Custaaf Houtman. Tokyo: Insti- tute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa, 1999. iii + 392 pp., tables, illus- trations, appendixes, bibliography. WARD KEELER University of Texas at Austin Gustaaf Houtman writes in the introduction to Mental Culture in Burmese Crisis Politics that he wishes to show how Burmese Buddhist ideas about meditation "provid[e) a structure for coping with the political crisis" (p. 9) that has obtained in Burma for well over ten years (a crisis that in fact goes back at least 40 years). Houtman means this in several senses. First of all, the Burmese government uses the idiom of Buddhism to attempt to legitimize its rule. Be- cause the rulers protect Buddhism, the reason- ing goes, the Burmese people should submit patiently and cooperate willingly in the com- munal effort necessary to bring about Burma's spiritual as well as material development. Sec- ond, the many Burmese who oppose the mili- tary's rule, and particularly those who suffer most because of their active opposition to it— such as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other mem- bers of the National League for Democracy— draw upon meditation techniques to remain steadfast in their political struggle despite ex- treme hardship. Finally, the fact that both sides of this struggle not only invoke but deeply be- lieve in the efficacy of meditation techniques suggests to Houtman that these techniques constitute the most fruitful way to escape the current longstanding impasse. Houtman claims that concepts drawn from meditation constitute an undercurrent in all con- temporary Burmese political arguments. Out- siders who ignore this dimension of Burmese political discourse fundamentally misconstrue the political scene. To substantiate his claim, Houtman surveys contemporary develop- ments in politics and religion and their many antecedents in Burmese history. His knowl- edge is awe inspiring, and he has written an in- valuable guide to many different currents in Burmese history in the 20th century and even earlier. In light of how little scholarship there is about Burma, Houtman's book constitutes a major contribution to understanding the coun- try's past and present. Perhaps most relevant to anthropologists is Houtman's analysis of how Burma's current rulers have taken on now-outdated ideas about culture developed in the West early in the 20th century or earlier. These ideas about races, ori- gins, practices, and attitudes justify the rulers' appeals to the country's citizens to resist out- side influences and to disbelieve criticism of the regime. Thus, the interlinking of racism, fascism, and a naive anthropology remains strong in Burma even at the end of the 20th century. In contrast, the political opposition's commitment to mental culture, a concept that undercuts distinctions among people, pro- motes selflessness and uninvestedness as the means to a united Burma. Mental culture counters essentializing ac- counts of national identity by valuing a set of absences—of greed, ambition, and lust for power. Mental culture seems a much more at- tractive basis for building a nation than culture as the governmental junta defines it. The con- cept also seems a better way to lead Burma out of its ceaseless interethnic conflict than the generals' use of military assault, parochialism, opportunism, and fantasized history. Yet there is a fundamental difficulty that Houtman does not really confront: the appeal and utility of mental culture lies in how the concept elides the question of culture altogether, making the individual the unit of analysis and evading the real subject of politics—interactions among groups. Mental culture is a form of individual discipline. If fostered, it should make people more self-aware, tolerant, and judicious—in a word, insightful. But how does this really ad- vance political reform any more effectively than a member of the Burmese military's hec- toring or a Western politician's tired (and tire- some) invocations of Christian values? At points, Houtman's faith in the effectiveness of Buddhist teachings seems to diminish his so- ciological acumen. After all, people can easily