Vol. 39, No. 1, Winter 2017 24 PRACTICING ANTHROPOLOGY By Jaymelee J. Kim Abstract The dissonance between local and global transitional justice imperatives has been the source of interdisciplinary debate with scholars highlighting the tensions between theory and practice. While researchers such as Sally Merry have discussed the human rights practitioner as a transla- tor between global international human rights norms and local cultural understandings, little has been said regarding the potential for anthropologists to translate transitional justice between the state and survivors. This article demonstrates the need for ap- plied anthropology in transitional justice models, illustrated with data drawn from the Canadian national transitional justice con- text. In this project, ethnographic data gathered from 2011-2014 is used to analyze the independent assessment process, or monetary reparations process. Using this example, I demonstrate a need for anthropological “translators” who can assess need, evaluate risk, and utilize a participatory action approach in transitional justice development. Key words: transitional justice, Canada, participatory action Introduction P ost-conlict reconstruction and the aftermath of mass violence cross sub-disciplinary bounds to garner the attention of both research and praxis oriented anthropologists. While the application of transitional justice has increased, the role of anthropologists, APPLIED ANTHROPOLOGY IN TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE arguably, has not. Scholars have noted anthropology’s lack of, albeit growing, engagement with this temporary justice model (Hinton 2011). Thus, the ques- tion is put forth: how can anthropolo- gists apply their knowledge and skills to the process of transitional justice? To answer this question, data and analysis are drawn from approximately twelve months of ieldwork conducted in Canada between 2011 and 2014. Ethnographic data collection relied on informal and semi-structured inter- views, observation, and participant-ob- servation that occurred primarily in the lower mainland of British Columbia. Participants included, but were not lim- ited to, facilitators of the various tran- sitional justice mechanisms, religious leaders, Indigenous community leaders and members, and a number of grass- roots organizations. Findings suggest the need for anthropological engage- ment in transitional justice processes to assess need and risk while utilizing a participatory action approach. The Canadian Case At the time of the study, Canada had incorporated transitional justice at the national level to provide redress for the human rights violations manifested through the creation and use of Indian Residential Schools. As the result of a class action lawsuit, the 2006 Indian Residential School Settlement Agree- ment outlined a response to the forced assimilation, physical abuse, sexual abuse, neglect, and violence that oc- curred in government-sponsored and church-administered Indigenous board- ing schools. It should be noted that other aspects of colonial or settler co- lonial policy were not included in this lawsuit; accordingly, the mandate of the settlement agreement was specii- cally limited to the residential schools. For those unfamiliar with transitional justice, methodologically, it is often described as a framework designed to provide redress for rights violations that a population experiences under its own government. Originally created to fa- cilitate government transition into a de- mocracy, it is now applied to a plethora of contexts (Hinton 2011). In pursuit of three goals (i.e., justice, accountability, and reconciliation), transitional justice employs a wide array of mechanisms. Judicial international criminal tribunals may be established to try war criminals, or governments may create investiga- tive truth commissions charged with collecting testimonies, evaluating docu- mentation and archival evidence, and generating informative reports. Another commonly seen mechanism in transi- tional justice models includes amnesty for perpetrators with the hope of ex- tracting more information by removing a fear of punishment. Some have argued that amnesty may also aid in societal uniication between individual victims and perpetrators who were once in conlict with one another. Reparations, which may or may not be monetary, may also be used, as survivors have lost family members and familial breadwin- ners, suffered trauma, and lost land or resources. Finally, memorialization or commemoration projects seeking to prevent historical revisionism, to honor the dead, or to remember the events that transpired may be incorporated into the process. This not a comprehen- sive outline of examples but highlights commonly seen mechanisms that can be utilized. In the Canadian context, a truth and reconciliation commission (TRC) was put in place and tasked with record- ing survivor statements, documenting how many children reportedly died or disappeared during residency at the schools, hosting seven national events, establishing a national research center, and utilizing an Aboriginal advisory board. Commemoration grants were also awarded under the auspices of the