162 American Anthropologist • Vol. 119, No. 1 • March 2017 both black and white communities through his upbringing in a rural village with his missionary parents, is highly revered and respected within the community for these very skills. Moreover, a black man, Ronny, explains that he would not accept poor treatment in the workplace as he knows his rights and would take his white Motswana boss to the local kgotla (chief’s court) to mediate any issues he might have. Race is an uncomfortable but key issue, and Gressier nuances race relations through revealing details of perceived, ideal, and actual relationships alongside class, citizenship, and state structures. Gressier is herself a seventh-generation Australian settler, and she reveals that this is her underlying motivation to investigate belonging for other settlers who often have an uneasy relationship with disadvantaged indigenous groups. Gressier challenges the reader to consider their position on the definition and use of “indigenous.” However I was teased a little in the conclusion where the underlying tension between settler and indigenous groups was not revisited. At times throughout the book, I needed to reflect on the broader contribution Gressier was making beyond the details of the ethnography, which might be why she warns us that it could be easy to read her work as an apology for white privilege. Gressier is clearly a highly skilled ethnographer whose work reacts to important theoretical questions about autochthony and indigeneity. By noting—but not focusing on—political issues, she reveals useful insights into how a migratory minority emplace themselves, and in doing so she has achieved what she set out to do. Yet Gressier disconnects from engaging in deep political analysis, something her interlocutors also do, and this prompted me to question: What are the political repercussions of focusing on experiential, rather than political, autochthony? By not explicitly exploring thorny political questions, how does her work forward a practical conversation about indigeneity? This book is an important contribution to anthropo- logical studies of belonging, minorities, settler populations, whiteness, identity, tourism, and autochthony. A thoroughly thought-provoking, intimate, and detailed ethnography that is worth reading to gain an insight into how a white com- munity in a postcolonial nation construct their belonging as Africans. REFERENCE CITED Russell, Margo, and Martin Russell. 1979. Afrikaners of the Kalahari: White Minority in a Black State. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gangster States: Organized Crime, Kleptocracy and Political Collapse by Katherine Hirschfeld New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015. 176 pp. DOI: 10.1111/aman.12834 Andrew Sanchez University of Cambridge Based largely on a survey of secondary research from a wide variety of global cases, Gangster States hypothesizes that organized crime develops in systems of unregulated exchange, which lead to the formation of “kleptocratic states” (p. xi). Hirschfeld goes on to make a broader argument that racketeering is “an ancestral human economic activity that played a role in the evolution of prehistoric states” (p. 21). The analysis is inspired by behavioral ecology, and John Maynard Smith’s game theory, which posits that systems based exclusively on cooperation between altruistic “doves” are unstable, because they are likely to be subverted by the actions of rapacious “hawks” (p. 7). However, in establishing the distinctiveness of a “Dar- winian Political Economy” approach (p. 122ff), the book somewhat misrepresents the contributions of relevant scholarship in criminology, economics, and anthropology. Hirschfeld argues that the book responds to “a theoretical void surrounding the political economy of organized crime and kleptocracy” (p. x), despite the fact that a large body of conceptually ambitious research has been conducted on the topic for the past two decades. It is all the more surprising that the ensuing analysis then proceeds to draw on this body of work. Elsewhere, Hirschfeld’s observations on the importance of a “stable political authority that will intervene to protect property rights for all citizens, ensure fairness in trading and punish cheats” (p. 48) is contrasted against the my- opia of “free-market fundamentalists” (p. 48) marching to- ward “Friedmanistan” (p. 43). While such fundamentalists certainly exist in good numbers, it should be noted that many economists devote time to considering the function of regulatory mechanisms. Turning her attention leftwards to the failings of “Marxitopia” (p. 43), Hirschfeld argues that Marxism is “useless” for explaining “the rapidity with which the USSR collapsed or the widespread gangsterism that re- sulted in the aftermath” (p. 41n5). The author further claims that international Marxists lacked the will to critique the Soviet Union until the 1990s (p. 40) and that the left still does not recognize the fact that modern industrial capitalism