The Journal of Socio-Economics 39 (2010) 692–695
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The Journal of Socio-Economics
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/soceco
The value of planned death
Leo Chan
a,∗
, Donald Lien
b
a
Department of Finance and Economics, Woodbury School of Business, Utah Valley University, 800 W University Parkway, Orem, UT 84058, United States
b
Department of Economics, University of Texas at San Antonio, San Antonio, TX, USA
article info
Article history:
Received 29 June 2009
Received in revised form 1 June 2010
Accepted 21 June 2010
JEL classification:
I12, I18, D81
Keywords:
Euthanasia
Physician assisted suicide
Planned death
abstract
In this paper we propose a theoretical model of evaluating the economic costs and benefits of physician
assisted suicide (euthanasia). The contemplation of euthanasia is modeled akin to the valuation of a
real option. Our modeling of the decision shows that euthanasia is optimal when certain conditions are
satisfied. The findings in this paper suggest that if more money is spent on medical research (such as pain
management), the demand for Euthanasia could be reduced.
© 2010 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction
The US Supreme Court ruled in 1997 that the average American
has no constitutional right to a physician assisted suicide. How-
ever, the court also implied that there is no constitutional bar that
would prevent a state from passing a law permitting physician
assisted suicide. Subsequently, Oregon became the first state in
the US in which physician assisted suicide is legalized. Around the
world, Switzerland has the longest history of allowing euthana-
sia (allowing both physician and non physician assisted suicide
since 1941). In 2002, Belgium and the Netherlands joined the list
of European countries in which physician assisted suicide is legal.
In 2008, the state of Washington in the US also passed a referen-
dum that legalizes physician assisted suicide. While its legal status
is unclear in most states in the US, physician assisted suicide (or
euthanasia
1
), when considered implicitly, is a relatively common
practice in the United States. Markson (1995) points to the Amer-
ican Hospital Association’s recognition that in the United States
as many as 6000 deaths per day are in some way planned by the
patients, their families or physicians.
There have been a large number of published literatures that
deal with the legal and ethical issues of euthanasia, particularly
∗
Corresponding author. Tel.: +1 801 863 8428.
E-mail addresses: leohchan@yahoo.com, lchan@uvu.edu (L. Chan).
1
We feel that euthanasia is a broader term that includes physician assisted sui-
cide and non physician assisted suicide. Any form of planned death can be seen as
euthanasia. Thus, we use euthanasia, physician assisted suicide and planned death
interchangeably in this paper.
since the Supreme Court’s ruling in 1997. Few attempts, however,
have been made in the field of economics to tackle the issue of life
and death analytically. The earliest attempt was Hamermesh and
Soss (1974), in which they propose a model of suicide and suggest
that a person will commit suicide when the expected remaining
lifetime utility from living is negative. Their conjecture is tested
with empirical data. Their empirical results show that the elderly,
as a group, have a higher suicide rate. The suicide rate also increases
as the unemployment rate goes up. These results suggest that there
is a correlation between income, age, and the likelihood to commit
suicide. The elderly, as a group, have lower income and are more
likely to suffer medical conditions that require a large sum of money
to cure or manage. Following Dixit and Pindyck (1994), the suicide
model of Hamermesh and Soss is not complete because it ignores
the uncertainty factor and, thus, the option value of living. Since the
option value to live usually is very large, the circumstances under
which suicide is rational must be far bleaker than those found by
Hamermesh and Soss (1974).
What circumstances can be bleaker than a diagnosis of terminal
illness? For terminally ill patients, death is not the only certainty,
but so are physical pain and mental suffering. In a way, we can
view life after a diagnosis of terminal illness as a period of time
in which the patient’s overwhelming experience is that of futil-
ity. This period can be viewed as an experience of disutility. There
are also high medical costs that must be borne by the patient, the
patient’s family, or the society to prolong life. Thus, the decision to
not prolong death could be beneficial to all parties involved.
On the other hand, the active decision to not prolong life beyond
its natural course can have a direct economic cost. For instance, the
legal preparation (e.g., obtaining and possibly enforcing the pro-
1053-5357/$ – see front matter © 2010 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.socec.2010.06.007