films often have women protagonists wno, as Kapur writes, take "the shape of a dual persona of nurture and death" (p. 208). In allegorical form, the films are about the dismantling of male authority and the feudal family in India. Ousmane, in his 1993 film Celwaar, uses the tropes of political activism, sacri- fice, and youth rebellion to reinterpret the tradi- tional role of beggars—usually seen as humble and honest people in predominantly animist western Af- rica (p. 113)—and to suggest that Africa must stop being a beggar of aid. Kapu, Diawara, and Davies wonder whether (he producers of vanguard culture in the South can fill the function of critics within the South, or whether they are condemned to play the part of the marginalized Other in reflexive metro- politan narratives and in "revenge histories about otherness" (p. 202). Despite the mention of globalization and cultures in the book's title, and notwithstanding a few no- ticeable exceptions, it is difficult to find an echo of preceding discussions about these concepts. It is es- pecially unfortunate that the authors seem unaware of anthropology's long conversation about culture. Instead, the contributors take the concept of culture to stand solely for manifestations of expressive cul- ture, in particular film and literature. When con- tributors link culture to globalization, few escape a dated reductive economism. A number of contribu- tors use economic indicators and figures to prove the force of global capitalism and its determination of expressive culture (these figures are used redun- dantly and mostly without reference to, or critical discussion of, the sources). Popular and not so popular culture is thus most often treated as a ripple on the ocean of economic globalization. Several authors (Trent, Miyoshi, Hetata, and Sklair) treat culture in globalization as the ideology of consum- erism that has diffused from the United States to the rest of the world—globalization is said to boil down to Americanization. The exceptions to this kind of reductionism make the book worthwhile. Moreiras provides a valuable and critical discussion of Sklair's concept of a cul- ture-ideology of consumerism. Moreiras proposes that, if in fact the global spread of this ideology has been elevated to something of a Hegelian objective spirit on a planetary scale (my words, not his), this would make impossible the existence of a space "outside to the global system, a point of articulation permitting the dream of an oppositional discourse" (p. 93). Moreiras mistakenly traces this totalizing thinking to Hegel. Even worse, he believes that Hegelian dialectics depend on the "self-reflective instance in the thinking apparatus" (p. 93). In his contribution to the volume, "Notes on Glo- balization as a Philosophical Issue," Jameson puts Hegel back on his feet and sets straight the issue of dialectics. By distinguishing levels at which totaliz- ing identity works (either as external hegemony or as source of resistance to internal hegemony), Jameson shows that Hegelian dialectics at no in- stance need a reference outside the global system for difference, critique, and reflection to emerge. Drawing on examples of Latin American exchange and commerce and the Anglo-American state to il- lustrate his points, Jameson concludes that two radically different situations exist: "In the one, Latin America, multiplicity is celebrated against an op- pressive unity; in the other, North America, a positive unity is defended against an oppressive multiplicity" (p. 72). This kind of dialectical con- nectedness of Difference and Identity, in which Identity (global homogenization) can turn into Dif- ference (global heterogeneity) and Difference back into Identity, so that both are an inseparable Oppo- sition, Jameson calls, with a quote from Hegel, the Identity of identity and nonidentity (p. 76). Diawara does not recognize this dialectic in his contribution. He claims that local markets represent an authentic African cultural tradition, whereas the state is a colonial invention that Diawara seems to suggest should not be expected to work in Africa. Apart from the fact that Diawara makes grand state- ments about the entire continent of Africa based on three casual chats, his idea that the state is foreign to Africa is problematic and, if it falls in the wrong hands, could be instrumentalized in the most racist fashion. Both Jameson and Diawara fail to distinguish be- tween kinds of states. They take the state to be a universal form rather than considering stateness as a geocultural principle. Most importantly, in mak- ing no distinction between states that approximate res publica and those that are closer to res privata, they miss the decoupling between formal models and observable practices. The formal model of stateness as res publica is dialectically connected to the observable practice 1 ; of states that are treated as res privata. In reprivates (to invent a name for the opposite of republics), market globalization and lo- cal markets may have some liberating potential by opening alternative networks and flows. Kapur in- verts this dialectic by casting Third World states as sites and agents of opposition to First World states as the instruments of global oligopolies. This posi- tion may seem more plausible from a South Asian perspective than from, say, a West African one. In reading The Cultures of Globalization I found Jameson's and Moreiras's articles, together with a few passages here and there in the other contribu- tions, to be stimulating exceptions that save the book from being just another instance of document- ing a conference for the sake of documentation. Shattering Silence: Women, Nationalism, and Political Subjectivity in Northern Ireland. BE- GONA ARETXAGA. Princeton, NJ. Princeton University Press, 1997. xiv + 211 pp., illustra- tions, notes, references, index. THERESA A. VAUGHAN University of Oklahoma What happens when women are caught among conflicting gender expectations, political ideolo- gies, and religious beliefs? Women supporters of the republican nationalist movement in Northern Ireland stand at such a crossroads. Although their political ideology informs their feminist ideology (an ideology in which women are key and active participants in nationalist struggles), while these women work within the republicans' nationalist framework—one rich with images of Ireland as the reviews 781