that makes meat “good to think with” and which points to Acre’s position as the center of deforestation in Brazil. The region’s historic association with the forest rather than the pasture is nevertheless still significant, and in chapter 8, “Rubber-Tapper and Colonist Transitions: Environment, Practice and Identity,” Hoelle shows how the reliance on a particular forest product, crop, or ruminant changes in response to institutional and economic drivers. Historically, rubber-tappers are also Brazil-nut harvesters at least some of the time. At present, however, Hoelle’s data show that after 2009, rubber-tappers’ work moved away from collecting Brazil nuts and back to tapping rubber. Such shifts reflect both institutional interven- tion by the state and, in one local community, “a renewed interest in tapping rubber because the com- munity teamed up with a local factory that makes natu- ral condoms” (p. 135). Chapter 9, “The Appropriation of Cattle Culture,” uses cultural consensus measurement to plumb selected aspects of what Hoelle considers to be “cattle culture.” Cultural consensus methods evaluate the extent to which a particular cultural practice or view is shared. Hoelle was surprised to find a high level of consensus among cowboys, policymakers, col- onists, rubber-tappers, NGO workers, and ranchers, although it is not quite clear what Hoelle meant by “policymaker” in this context, nor how these were sampled. Nevertheless, his ethnography points to the blurry social and work-related distinctions among these various groups, as rubber-tappers and subsis- tence farmers take to working cattle and some towns- people take on the trappings of the caub ois. The final chapter, “The Full Picture,” returns to the ideological and practice-based distinctions between extractivism and cattle husbandry, the distinction that is at the core of the text. Extractivism is seen, in the Acrean world- view, as being tied to poverty, while cattle husbandry is associated with wealth and the performance of caub oi identity. Hoelle points out that his ethnography is multi- method, meaning it uses structured interviewing tech- niques, cultural consensus theory, and participant- observation. The theoretical tools that Hoelle applies to the Acrean context—too many to list in this short review—do not address recent theoretical approaches to human-animal relationships, in particular zooan- thropology, nor do they include the growing body of lit- erature about local responses to global climate change, which is, as Hoelle recognizes, one of the driving con- cerns behind efforts to limit Amazon deforestation. As a whole, the book offers useful insight into Acre’s dramatic shift from a forest economy to one based on ranching. Lengthy theoretical detours and a dearth of information about ranching practices, however, limit the effectiveness of the text as a means to understand the relationships between people and cattle. That said, the ethnographic accounts about Acrean set- tlers, ranchers, and rubber-tappers will be of interest for scholars studying the rapidly changing and often-fraught daily lives of the Amazon’s inhabitants. Hoelle’s book will also be a helpful starting point in understanding the local implications of the global meat business. In this regard, Rainforest Cowboys should inspire more ethno- graphic research surrounding the relationships between cattle and people elsewhere in the so-called developing world—from the forest clearing to the barbecue. DOI: 10.1111/awr.12125 Savage Frontier: Making News and Security on the Argentine Border. Ieva Jusionyte. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2015. Jason Bartholomew Scott, University of Colorado jason.b.scott@colorado.edu Savage Frontier discusses the realities of journal- ists working in the Iguaz u Falls border region shared by Argentina, Paraguay, and Brazil. In this text, author Ieva Jusionyte is both reporter and ethnographer as she interacts with journalists, gendarmes, and other resi- dents of this triple frontier. Iguaz u locals, known as iguaz uenses, contend with outside media accounts that depict their tri-border home as a “global village of outlaws,” overrun by illegal commerce and violent non-state actors. As such, Jusionyte analyzes the iguaz uense “crime talk” that spans professional news making, official government statements, and “public secrets”—a term borrowed from Taussig (1999)—that constitute widely circulated but taboo forms of knowl- edge in the region. Chapter 1 of Savage Frontier details methodologi- cal differences between journalism and ethnography, as well as introduces the tri-border as a political and economic space. Like elsewhere, news making in the Iguaz u Falls region involves fast-paced publication schedules, profit-oriented editors, and a readership that is broader than that of anthropology. Informants rarely entrust to newsmakers the kinds of intimate information that they often provide to long-term eth- nographic researchers. In a region known as much for its majestic waterfall as it is for its illegal cross-border trade, iguaz uenses deem topics such as ecotourism “safe” for public conversation, at the same time that they remain silent on the “public secrets” that involve crime, violence, kidnapping, and smuggling. What information iguaz uenses do or do not reveal to Anthropology of Work Review Volume XXXVIII, Number 2 V C 2017 by the American Anthropological Association. All rights reserved. 120