Pakistan, Islamism, and the Fear of Afghan Nationalism By: Ahmad Bilal Khalil* Since the partition of the Indian subcontinent, Pakistan has lived in fear of the rise of ethnic nationalism in Pakistan and Afghan nationalism in Afghanistan. The elite Pakistani think tanks and power houses see these two trends as a threat to Pakistan’s geographical integrity. The fear gains credibility when viewed against the backdrop of East Pakistan (now Bangladesh)’s separation from West Pakistan (the current Pakistan) and the waves of insurgency in Pakistan by socialists, Balochs, and some Pashtun nationalists who received support from Afghanistan. Therefore, Pakistan strives to use religion as a unifying tool to undermine ethno- nationalists at home and Afghan nationalism abroad. During the Cold War, Pakistan’s General Headquarters and the prime minister’s house tried to curb the influence of all ethnic political parties in Pakistan by arresting and jailing their top leaders and heightening propaganda against them. For instance, the Pashtun nationalist parties in Pakistan, who call themselves Afghans, had been labeled as parties that rejected Pakistan’s independence. Government propaganda dubbed these parties “red Congressy“ (a reference to the Indian National Congress) and called their behavior as anti-Pakistani. The government bases its narrative on three factors. First, Pashtun parties had links with the Indian Congress and rivalries with the Muslim League in the past, precisely during the independence struggle. Second, Pashtun nationalists rejected the referendum in 1947, which asked peoples from the North West Frontier Province (NWFP, today’s Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) to decide whether they wanted to be a part of Pakistan or India. In fact, Pashtun nationalists argued they didn’t want Pakistan or India but a separate and independent “Pashtunistan,” composed of Pashtun-dominated areas currently under Pakistani sovereignty. Finally, when Pashtun nationalists recognized the reality of Pakistan, they then called for provincial autonomy and sovereignty within the Pakistani federation. This is another factor which impacted relations initially with the Muslim League and later with other major Pakistani political parties. Although in the 1973 constitution, provinces were given autonomy and sovereignty on paper, but nationalist parties still argue such autonomy doesn’t exist on the ground. On the foreign policy front, Pakistan continuously feared being sandwiched between Afghan nationalism and India, a rival and enemy. Added to this fear was Kabul’s “Pashtunistan” policy and non-recognition of the Durand line. With Kabul giving shelter and support to Pakistani ethnic nationalists, such as members of National Awami Party (NAP) and others, Pakistan was hoping for a similar opportunity. That chance came when Afghan Islamists escaped to Pakistan during Sardar Mohammed Daud Khan’s presidency. Nasserullah Babar, who was the inspector-general of Frontier Corps (FC) at that time, was contacted by Maulvi Habibur Rehman, one of the 12 founders of Nuhzat-e- Islami-Afghanistan (The Islamic Movement of Afghanistan). Rehman asked “about setting up a