LGBT Activism in South Asia KAREEM KHUBCHANDANI University of Texas at Austin, USA Dominant narratives about LGBT activism in South Asia have been shaped by the pervasive presence of non-governmental organizations (NGOs); these narratives center on working- class, trans-feminine people, and men who have sex with men (MSM), both of which are deemed at-risk populations in the fght against HIV/AIDS. Tese populations are also at risk of blackmail, harassment, and extortion by thugs and potential lovers, and also rape and abuse by partners, sex work clients, and police. LGBT activism in South Asia must be understood as much more than health advocacy, or organized policy work of NGOs that target these populations. Cultural performances, quotidian practices, support groups, and online networks also do the work of critiquing oppressive social systems, validating non-mainstream genders and sex- ualities, shifing public opinions, distributing relevant legal and medical information, and ensuring the safety of sexual and gender minorities. Trans-feminine communities are highly visible in urban centers and some small towns across South Asia. In India, they are known variously as hijra, aravani, jogappa, and dhu- rani; in Nepal they are referred to as meti; and in Pakistan they are khwaja sira. Tese identities have diferent valences in their respective countries. For example, the iden- tity of khwaja sira refers to intersex persons; however, many people with typically male genitalia identify as khwaja sira if they have a feminine spirit (Khan 2014). Te visibility of Te Wiley Blackwell Encyclopedia of Gender and Sexuality Studies, First Edition. Edited by Nancy A. Naples. © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2016 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. DOI: 10.1002/9781118663219.wbegss675 trans-feminine communities stems not only from their displacement from family homes, but also because the few professions available to them – begging, sex work, dance – require them to circulate in public space more reg- ularly. Tis leaves them subject to classist, transphobic, and misogynist harassment by passers-by and police alike. Several NGOs, run by English-speaking gay and bisexual men, have created work opportunities for trans people, ofen encouraging them to run community-based organizations (CBOs) in their respective neighborhoods, suburbs, or small towns. Hijras are ofen tasked with distributing condoms, lubricant, and relevant literature in male cruising areas, roles seen as less desirable for middle-class gay men. Activist networks have shaped identity categories, even as they attempt to adapt to local ideologies and customs. Relying on international health discourses and Western epistemologies, NGOs operationalize identi- ties such as hijra and kothi (Dutta 2012a,b). In this context, hijra becomes a gender identity, whereas kothi is understood as more akin to a sexual orientation. Aniruddha Dutta’s impor- tant research on West Bengal demonstrates that the subcultural networks that NGOs tapped into in the mid-1990s allowed for fuid forms of non-normative gender identifcation and presentation that NGOs do not currently accommodate. Hijra, khwaja sira, and kothi activists have strategically aligned themselves with “LGBT” in order to access foreign fund- ing; at other times they have actively resisted the “MSM” outreach framework that hails them as male. In other cases, some individuals identify as “MSM,” an NGO category specif- ically meant to circumvent identifcation. LGBT activism in South Asia tends to coalesce through class-based afliation. In