IOSR Journal Of Humanities And Social Science (IOSR-JHSS) Volume 24, Issue 6, Ser. 2 (June. 2019) 68-77 e-ISSN: 2279-0837, p-ISSN: 2279-0845. www.iosrjournals.org DOI: 10.9790/0837-2406026877 www.iosrjournals.org 68 |Page Libya: The Death of Authoritarianism and the Birth of Democracy Clotilde Asangna Abstract: This essay offers a basic framework for analyzing Libyan democratization by looking at the deficit of a modern (post-modern) political transition élite and the potential of civil society.The Libyan transition to democracy has covered an extensive time frame during which the state has regressed politically. After the transatlantic exit, all that remained was tribal politics and military weakness. Thus, the absence of checks and balances, which rendered the country resistant to democratic reform, yet vulnerable to civil war.The Jamahiriya (state of the masses) functioned along relatively weak administrative and security institutions, as such the National Transitional Council (NTC) hoped, upon assuming power, to reconstruct major state structures and embark on a seamless transition to democracy, within one year. However, almost eight years following the end of the Qaddafi regime,and Libya is still in a transition phase. The Libyan transition is remarkable because this is the state‟s first democratic and state building attempt since independence.Also, the nuances of the Libyan transition will greatly impact the type of democracy that will eventually materialize. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Date of Submission: 24-05-2019 Date of acceptance: 08-06-2019 --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- I. INTRODUCTION “Last week I was in Tripoli and Benghazi. I saw the hunger of a people eager to get on with reclaiming their country, writing themselves a new chapter of freedom and democracy…The people of the Arab world have made their aspirations clear. They want transparency and accountability of government. An end to corruption; the fair and consistent rule of law. The chance to get a job and to have a stake in how their country is run. The freedom to communicate, and the chance to participate in shaping society as citizens with rights and responsibilities.” David Cameronaddressing the U.N General Assembly in September 22, 2011. The 2011 outbreak of mass-civilian uprisings in Libya were a representation of local uprisings of a regional crusade for democracy, human rights, and freedom, termed the Arab Spring or Arab Awakening. The revolutionary spark that started in Tunisia on December 17, 2010, when Mohamed Bouazizi set himself ablaze in Sidi Bouzid to protest the humiliation and loss of income visited upon him by the Tunisian police (McMurray and Ufheil-Somers, 2013), kindled a blazing mix of hope and anger that had been suppressed for several years. Most of the Arab society was fighting to introduce human rights and greater political freedom and to transform and rehabilitate state structures heretofore unknown to them. Aided by media houses like Al Jazeera, people around the Arab world watched their counterparts fight for human rights and democratic institutions. A shared sense of anguish accompanied by the realization that democracy trumps authoritarianism (perhaps an unanticipated upshot of Pan-Arabism) unified people across state borders who shared similar grievances. The Arab Spring was the first momentous occurrence to destabilize Middle Eastern politics. The outset of these uprisings promised to end decades of Arab exceptionalism and introduce Arab nations to the third wave of democratization. 1 Why then did the revolution that had so many promises fail? Is a democratic Libyan state feasible? The answer to my research question is grounded in understanding the performance of the transition élite following the end of the Qaddafi regime. 2 This essay holds that the Libyan revolution failed due to the near absence of a modern élite to create a strong and democratic transitional government. The transition élite in Libya depended on pre-modern techniques in an effort to democratize. In the aftermath of the fall of President Mu‟ammar Qaddafi on October 20, 2011, there was hope that Libya would flourish and experience slow, but steady political growth. 3 The Libyan revolution promised the reemergence of democratic politics and popular 1 The Arab Spring promised to introduce democratic politics to the Middle East and reassert popular sovereignty against the heretofore corrupt and geriatric leaders. 2 According to Pareto (1915-19) the governing elite comprises “individuals who directly or indirectly play some considerate part in government” (Pareto 1915-19: 1423-4). 3 British Prime Minister, David Cameron said "people in Libya have an even greater chance after this news, of building themselves a strong democraticfuture”http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/africaandindianocean/libya/8839970/Death-of-Gaddafi-is-a-momentous- opportunity-for-Libya-says-Barack-Obama.html