Indefinites as fossils: a synchronic and diachronic corpus study Ana Aguilar-Guevara 1 , Maria Aloni 2 , Angelika Port 2 , Radek ˇ Sim´ ık 3 , Machteld de Vos 4 , and Hedde Zeijlstra 2 1 Utrecht University 2 University of Amsterdam 3 University of Potsdam 4 Cambridge University December 13, 2010 Abstract The article reports on a cross-linguistic synchronic and diachronic corpus study on indefinites. The study covered five indefinite expressions, each in a different language. The main goal of the study was to verify the distribution of these indefinites synchronically and to attest their historical development. The methodology we used is a form of functional labeling which combines both context (syntax) and meaning (semantics) using as a starting point Haspelmath’s (1997) functional map. In the article we identify Haspelmath’s functions with logico-semantic interpretations and propose a binary branching decision tree assigning each instance of an indefinite exactly one function in the map. On Haspelmath’s proposal an indefinite will always express a set of functions that are contiguous on the map. A further prediction is that, if an indefinite acquires new functions, it will develop first those that are adjacent to the original function. The main result of the synchronic studies is that none of the indefinites investigated violates the function contiguity. The main conclusion of the diachronic studies is that the acquisition of new functions is not unidirectional. 1 Theoretical Background It is well known that the use of expressions with existential meaning (e.g. plain indefinites like English some- body, or German jemand or Czech nˇ ekdo) can give rise to different pragmatic effects. Although the semantic representation of somebody in (1) and (2) is identical, (1) comes along with a free choice implicature (each individual is a permissible option) and (2) with an ignorance implicature (the speaker does not know who called): (1) You can invite somebody. (2) Somebody called. From a typological perspective, many languages have developed specialized forms for such enriched mean- ings, such as free choice indefinites 1 : Italian -unque-series, Czech koli-series, Dutch dan ook-series, Spanish cualquier-series, . . . , and as epistemic indefinites 2 : Russian to-series, Czech si-series, German irgend-series, Spanish algun-series . . . Following Grice’s seminal work, the main hypothesis that motivates the present research is that these different indefinite forms have emerged as result of a process of conventionalization (or fossilization) of an originally pragmatic inference. It may not be impossible for what starts life, so to speak, as a conversational implicature to become conventionalized. (Grice 1975:58) In languages with Epistemic Indefinite (EI) forms, inference (3c), pragmatic in origin, has been integrated into the semantic content of sentences like (4a). 1 E.g. Dayal (1998), Giannakidou (2001), Men´ endez-Benito (2010). 2 E.g. Alonso-Ovalle and Men´ endez-Benito (2010), Jayez and Tovena (2006), Kratzer and Shimoyama (2002). 1