International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Vol. 6, No. 2; February 2016 84 The Dhimmis and their Role in the Administration of the Fatimid State Dr. Saleh Kharanbeh Lecturer of Arabic language and Islamic studies Ohalo College of Education Israel Dr. Muhammad Hamad Lecturer of Arabic language and literature Al- Qasemi College of Education Israel Abstract One of the most recurring questions today is the Islamic state's relationship with the dhimmis (Jews and Christians living under early Muslim rule) and their status in the early days of Islam and up to the late days of the Islamic Caliphate. This relationship may have been varying, swinging up and down. Perhaps the more legitimate questions are: What were the factors that affected the nature of the Dhimmis relationship with the ruling power in the Islamic state? What was the status of the Dhimmis and what roles did they play in the early Islamic states, with the Fatimid Caliphate as a model? The Fatimid Caliphate rose up and centered in Egypt, which was then home for Coptic Christians and Jews, living side by side with Muslims. That is why the author has chosen the Fatimid State, in specific. Another driver for this selection is the fact that when the Fatimid Caliphate was ruling in Egypt, the Europeans were launching their Crusades in Jerusalem, which placed such a relationship between Muslims and Christians at stake. Keywords: The Dhimmis, Fatimid State, Islamic history, Islamic civilization. 1. Internal factors in the Dhimmis relationship with the Fatimid Caliphate The caliphs’ young age was one of the factors that contributed to strengthening the relationship between the Dhimmis and the ruling power. Some of them assumed power at the age of seven, (427-487AH / 1036-1094 AD) 1 , and this had significantly contributed to the instability of the state. Throughout the period of his rule, the caliph was under the authority of the ministers, as in the case of Abu al-Qasim Ali Bin Abdullah Jerjani 2 , whose mother controlled the affairs of the state 3 . In fact, these factors had an impact on the distribution of the actual power between the Minister and the caliph. Each of them started to form a special power protected by special entourage of slaves and private security guards, in addition to keeping private safe deposits of their own. This situation affected the central military force, which eventually raised discord among the Turks, who used to form the basic element of the army, and the private militias. However, the ordinary population was to pay the price for this situation physically and financially 4 . 3 Al-Maqrizi, Ahmed bin Ali (1441). Itti’ath Al-Honafa’ biakhbar al-aimma Al-fatemiyeen Al-Kholafa. Edited by Jamal Addin Ashayal, Cairo, 2 nd ed., Vol. 2, p. 187. 2 Ali bin Ahmed al-Jerjara’i Is Caliph al-Thaher li-Izazidinillah’s Minister. He was a double arm amputee. The claim is that Caliph Al-Hākim bi Amr Allāh amputated them in 404 H / 1013 AD. He was an Iraqi Fatimid, and became a minister in 418 AH / 1027 AD. He died in 436 AH / 1044 AD. See: Ibn al-Sairafi, Ali bin Munjeb (542 H / 1147 AD), (Bibliographies for those who won ministries), Editor: Abdullah al- Mukhles, Cairo, The French Scientific Institute, p. 78; Noueiri, Ahmed bin Abdul Wahhab (733 H / 1332 AD). Nehayato Al-Arab Fee Fonoon Al-Adab, Editor: Mufid Qmeiha, Beirut, Dar Al-kutuk al’elmeyyeh, ed. 1, 2004, vol 28, p. 132. 3 Maqrizi Itti’ath Al-Honafa’ , vol. 2, p. 184. 4 ) Ibid , P. 267.