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Disinformation in the Global South, First Edition. Edited by Herman Wasserman and Dani
Madrid-Morales.
© 2022 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Published 2022 by John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
9
Media System Incentives for Disinformation
Exploring the Relationships Between Institutional Design and
Disinformation Vulnerability
Jose Mari Hall Lanuza and Cleve V. Arguelles
Introduction: Media Systems in Southeast Asia
Hallin and Mancini’s landmark attempt to map the developments of the press in estab-
lished democracies (2004) has proven lacking when applied outside of Europe and
North America, as recognized in their later work (2012) and agreed with by other
scholars (Voltmer 2008). While others have tried a media systems approach in Latin
America (Albuquerque 2005; Santana-Pereira 2015), East Europe (Jakubowicz and
Sükösd 2008), South Africa (Hadland 2007), Sub-Saharan Africa (Ngomba 2011), and
even East Asia (Jiafei 2008; Rohrhofer 2014), literature on media systems in Southeast
Asia appears to be scant. We contribute to the literature by attempting a typology of
Southeast Asian media systems and discuss how each system’s particular institutional
arrangements shape certain disinformation outcomes.
We define media systems as a collection of rules, norms, and institutions that regu-
late and shape the relationships between and among the state, the media, and the
public in a given country. A media system has numerous components with an endless
array of configurations, which in turn affect mass and political communication pro-
cesses (Hallin and Mancini 2004). We posit that the same applies to disinformation.
Literature shows that media gets more susceptible to manipulation because of decreas-
ing public trust in media, increasing inclination towards sensationalism, and overreli-
ance on a business model focused on ad revenue and optimized engagements (Marwick
and Lewis 2017; Tucker et al. 2018). These factors are actually media system features
that a diverse network of actors – including trolls, bots, conspiracy peddlers, partisan
groups, hyperpartisan media, and even foreign governments – exploit, often in compe-
tition with each other, to produce and promote disinformative content. Across differ-
ent media systems, how prevalent these features are highly varied.
We modify Dixit’s (1999), Hallin and Mancini’s (2004), and Santana-Pereira’s
(2015) models in analyzing and classifying the media systems in Southeast Asia. We
assess Southeast Asian media systems on the social role of the media in each
society – who controls it and for what purpose is its power used (Arguelles and
Lanuza 2020). We use the following major dimensions to determine similarities and
differences in media systems in the region: (1) the historical development of media
markets and the extent of its circulation; (2) the nature and degree of in/dependence
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