Land Use Policy 48 (2015) 317–328
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Land Use Policy
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/landusepol
Rural household incomes and land grabbing in Cambodia
Xi Jiao
∗
, Carsten Smith-Hall, Ida Theilade
University of Copenhagen, Faculty of Science, Department of Food and Resource Economics, Rolighedsvej 25, 1958 Frederiksberg C, Denmark
a r t i c l e i n f o
Article history:
Received 26 June 2014
Received in revised form 17 May 2015
Accepted 9 June 2015
Keywords:
Environmental income
Environmental reliance
Income inequality
Land concessions
South-east Asia
a b s t r a c t
This paper empirically quantifies environmentally augmented rural household incomes in Cambodia and
analyzes how economic land concessions (ELCs) affect such incomes. Data is derived from a structured
survey of 600 randomly selected households in 15 villages in three study sites in Cambodia, where local
livelihoods are highly reliant on access to land and natural resources, supported by qualitative data from
focus group discussions. Gini coefficient decomposition, multiple regression models, and propensity score
matching (PSM) models were employed to analyze the composition of income portfolios, determinants
of major income sources, and the impacts of land grabbing on incomes. Results documented high reliance
on environmental income (32–35% of total household income) and farm income (51–53%) across income
quartiles; demonstrated the variation in product composition across quartiles and the contribution of
each major product to income inequality; and identified the main household characteristics influencing
absolute and relative incomes. ELCs were found to consistently have negative impacts on household total
income, environmental income, size of available cultivable land and livestock holdings, and increasing
the distance to forests. The total household annual income subjects to ELCs were estimated to decrease
by 15–19%. While providing some employment opportunities, we find no evidence of positive income
effects of ELCs on households in the areas where ELCs are located.
© 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction
The acquisition of land and resources by central authorities,
such as governments, has a long history throughout the world.
Examples include royal appropriation of timber and game on pri-
vate and communal lands in 11th century England (Aberth, 2013),
the European scramble for land in Africa in the New Imperial-
ism period (Pakenham, 1992), allocation of lands to commodity
producers in the colonial era such as Dutch coffee growers on Suma-
tra (Potter, 2008), and post-colonial government facilitated land
reforms such as corporate pulpwood plantations on former com-
munal land in Lao PDR (Barney, 2008). Much recent literature on
privatization and enclosure in the south has focused on land grab-
bing; a popular term for the large-scale acquisition of land or land
related rights and resources by corporate (business, non-profit or
public) entities (White et al., 2012). Land grabbing has increased
rapidly in countries in the south in recent years (Borras and Franco,
2012; Cotula, 2012; Deininger and Byerlee, 2011; GRAIN, 2008).
The main drivers are international food security concerns, invest-
ment opportunities in response to rising agricultural prices, and
demand for biofuels (Cotula and Vermeulen, 2009; Zoomers, 2010).
∗
Corresponding author.
E-mail address: xj@ifro.ku.dk (X. Jiao).
While such land investments may raise prospects for macro-level
benefits in recipient countries, they may also lead to appropriation
of land and natural resources from local people reliant on these
assets (Vermeulen & Cotula, 2010). In the words of Borras et al.
(2011:209) “. . .land seen officially as marginal or empty is set aside
for commodity production”. Yet, as also noted by White et al. (2012),
there are very few household-level studies, of which almost none
are quantitative, on land grabbing and the consequences of land
grabbing for the welfare of affected households. Quantifying the
impact of land grabbing on local welfare requires an understanding
of the economic importance of land and natural resources to local
incomes, including incomes from non-agricultural land areas such
as forests, grasslands, and wetlands. Products from such land areas,
here termed environmental products, include timber, poles, fire-
wood, rattan, bamboo, wild fruits and vegetables, medicinal plants,
game meat, latex, and resins. Products may be sold, consumed
directly or used as inputs into domestic production processes. Such
products are usually not registered with high level of detail in stan-
dard household economic surveys conducted by national bureaus
of statistics; the number of products is large and each product
is typically traded or consumed in low volumes, making it diffi-
cult and time consuming to estimate their values. For instance,
a survey of environmental product income among households in
lowland Bolivia registered 151 environmental products, most of
which were irregularly used for subsistence purposes (Uberhuaga
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.landusepol.2015.06.008
0264-8377/© 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.