budget harmonization (44, 52). Instead, his slim institutional reform considerations are flanked by a number of additional suggestions, which probably belong more into the realm of wishful thinking: “Europeanization of the existing party system” (43), and sus- tained attention of the national media to “the political positions and controversies which the same topics evoke in other member states” (48). True to form for a critical philosopher with a strong normative bent, however, it is another suggestion that pinpoints not only the core problem of the current financial crisis but the problematic of unity and diversity more generally: the balance between the cit- izens and peoples of a union, any union, requires a measure of “civic solidarity,” which “cannot develop if social inequalities between the member states become permanent structural features.” The European Union therefore “must guarantee” an at least equita- ble degree of “social living conditions” (53). This is also the point of departure for Habermas’s bigger intellectual project, the transformation of “the international into the cosmopolitan community” (53–70). Combining his Kantian instincts with recent literature on cosmopolitan democracy, he uses the European template to imagine world governance by a bicameral general assem- bly composed of “representatives of the citizens and the states” (59). It would operate on the basis of a “reduced legitimacy requirement,” though (65): what has become globally inclusive, Habermas argues, is what “irks our moral sensibility” of injustice against anyone, anywhere. Hence the cosmopolitan world organization would be “restricted to the key tasks of maintaining order which have a moral content and are legal in nature” (66). It’s a dream but, to paraphrase René Lévesque, it’s a beautiful dream. The book also contains a previously published essay on the connection between human dignity and human rights (71–100), which extends the earlier discourse on cos- mopolitan community insofar as it is Habermas’s hope that the worldwide “outrage” (xi) over violations of human dignity may lead to a cosmopolitan institutionalization of human rights. The book ends with three earlier political interventions, an interview and two essays on European and German politics that appeared in German newspapers between 2009 and 2011. Perhaps these should be read first. They not only facilitate entry into the more complicated conceptual diction of the main essay. They are also fun to read and show Habermas at his combative best. For the political scientist hoping for innovative analysis or a conceptual break- through, there is little new in this book, and for those familiar with the work of Habermas, there are few surprises. The book should be required reading nevertheless because its intellectual rigour and eloquence put into sharper focus some of the problems and questions that will determine the level and distribution of human dignity in the world to come. THOMAS O. HUEGLIN Wilfrid Laurier University La fabrique politique des politiques publiques Philippe Zittoun Presses de Sciences Po, Paris, 2013, 344 pages. doi:10.1017/S0008423915000670 Dans son livre, Philippe Zittoun développe une théorie des politiques publiques au moyen d’une approche discursive. En ce faisant, Zittoun ramène l’étude des politiques publiques au cœur de la science politique. Le domaine d’intérêt de la science politique pour Zittoun est l’équilibre entre l’ordre et le désordre. Ainsi, La fabrique politique des 486 Recensions / Reviews