Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Ocean and Coastal Management journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/ocecoaman Enhancing of the cultural shing heritage and the development of tourism: A case study in Isla Cristina (Spain) Celeste Jiménez de Madariaga a,* , Juan José García del Hoyo b a Departamento de Historia, Geografía y Antropología; Universidad de Huelva, Campus del Carmen, 21071, Huelva, Spain b Departamento de Economía; Universidad de Huelva, Campus de La Merced, 21071, Huelva, Spain 1. Introduction Fishing has been linked to humanity since its origins, inuencing the ways of life and world-view of the societies dedicated primarily to this practice. Fishing is dened not only as the act of obtaining sh for consumption, but also as a way of understanding life, interacting with one another, and co-habiting with one's natural environment. In other words, shing touches all aspects of culture. It generates a whole set of knowledge, skills, and techniques that are passed down from one gen- eration to the next. Fishing also entails the creation of, for example, specic instruments, devices, gear, and tools, and it favours the de- velopment of other closely-related activities. All this implies that shing is something that characterises society as a whole. When we speak of shing societies and the culture of shing, we speak of Cultural Fishing Heritage. Over time, certain elements that make up our culture are selected as being representative of it. These elements we now call cultural heritage. They are elements that symbolically identify a particular village or group of people, and that act as dierentiating factors to distinguish them from other villages or groups. We call them identity markers. Most coastal people have been characterised by their dependence on the sea. The sea is their primary economic resource and communication channel. Therefore, each shing community, while culturally per- meated by shing, acquires dierentiating nuances that act as heritage identity markers, and it is precisely these identity markers, whether intentionally or unintentionally, that come to characterise them. On some occasions, local governments have developed patrimonialisa- tionor the process by which these identity markers are protected and disseminated, but their legitimacy goes beyond cultural policies to where citizens' awareness, and their actions and participation have become fundamental (Sharina Abdul Halim, Ong Puay Liu, 2011). Thus, shing heritage includes identity markers common to all shing vil- lages, as well as markers that are unique to each village, but it is the latter that stand out especially. Heritage markers have an interweaving eect on people's lifestyles and daily activities regardless of their pa- trimonialisation, and they, in and of themselves, can become not only cultural, but economic resources. In recent decades, the eects of globalisation in developed countries have led to a visible transformation of shing as an economic activity, sometimes reducing its protability. Communities that traditionally devoted themselves to shing, strongly inuencing their culture by doing so, have succumbed to other activities, mainly tourism. There is no doubt that tourism has spread worldwide to the extent of being transversal to any other type of activity, and in many countries, in- cluding Spain, it is one of the leading drivers of the economy (Martindale, 2014). The acceptance of this economic potential has led, or is leading, to increased attention being paid to heritage in general, and shing heritage in particular. This is leading to studies and actions aimed at fostering elements typical of the shing culture as a tourist resource (Doyon, 2015). At a local level, the yield of the shing heritage as a tourist resource can become counter-productive for the shing sector itself and related activities that attempt to compensate for its decline. It can also increase its added value to promote the sustain- ability of shing and boost the survival of the sector without changing cultural habits, customs, and lifestyles (Urquhart and Acott, 2013). What is more, it can help people to become aware of the cultural value of shing, and thus contribute to maintaining their identity (Claesson, 2011; Urquhart et al., 2011). Fishing takes place in very specic environments: coastal or river- side areas. The location determines the type of habitat and activities that can be carried out in these areas, and the communities that settle here are dierent from those dedicated to other productive activities. But this environmental determinism is not sucient to explain the layout of shing communities. There are historical and political rea- sons, too. Not to mention human interaction with the environment, which also inevitably alters things. In short, a great many factors play a part in dening shing communities. Naturally, shing societies live along the coast, although the forms that their populations take and the place where they are located dier depending on their geographical, historical, and political conditions. A unique landscape has been created around them. Humanity has changed its environment to suit its activities, not only for the con- struction of houses, but also for specic installations such as piers, lighthouses, canning factories, chancas (sh salting factory), lonjas (sh https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ocecoaman.2018.10.023 Received 27 October 2017; Received in revised form 29 September 2018; Accepted 28 October 2018 * Corresponding author. Facultad de Humanidades, 21071 Huelva, Spain. E-mail address: celeste@uhu.es (C. Jiménez de Madariaga). Ocean and Coastal Management 168 (2019) 1–11 0964-5691/ © 2018 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. T