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Policy & Politics vol 39 no 1 • 133–43 (2011) • 10.1332/ 030557310X550114
DEBATEDEBATEDEBATE
Key words: secrecy • national security • public interest • public consent • spying
© The Policy Press, 2011 • ISSN 0305 5736
Diplomacy and the ethics of spying: Blair, Iraq and
the art of government
Cris Shore
Introduction
The conceptual theme explored in this article concerns what might be termed
the ‘occult practices’ of government – those hidden aspects of government
that are offcially denied or shrouded by ritual and taboo – and what happens
when those taboos are broken. Among the questions that have long intrigued
political anthropologists is the relationship between policy discourse and the
manufacture of consent. Put simply, how are policies discursively managed to
control public debate and to ensure particular outcomes? Power, as Foucault
has cogently demonstrated (1977; 1980) typically disguises the mechanisms of
its own operation. However, power is also most effective when its ideological
character is made to appear self-evident, ‘natural’ and ‘beyond question’, or what
Bourdieu (1977) termed ‘doxa’.
The case study I use to examine these arguments is the scandal that erupted in
February 2004 following disclosures that British security services were spying on
the United Nations (UN) before a crucial vote over war on Iraq. Although that
episode was subsequently eclipsed by other events (including allegations that the
dossier used to justify invading Iraq had been ‘sexed up’ and the suicide of Ministry
of Defence biological weapons adviser, Dr David Kelly), the story has particular
signifcance for policy analysis and understanding how states operate ‘back stage’.
My argument is in three steps. First I trace how the scandal developed; second, I
examine the reactions it provoked and the attempts to bring semantic closure to
the debate; and third, I analyse what these events reveal about diplomacy and
government in contemporary Britain.
Case study: spying on the UN
Events surrounding the ‘UN-bugging controversy’ are well known. They included
the widely held view that the legal case for war had been ‘stitched up’; the sudden
change of mind of Britain’s Attorney General, Lord Goldsmith, who had previously
endorsed the Foreign Offce advice that without a second UN resolution, war on
Iraq would be illegal; the resignation of Foreign and Commonwealth Offce Deputy
Legal Adviser, Elizabeth Wilmhurst, the day war was declared; and growing unease
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