the rules of critical scholarship should set the
terms for all historical study of religious topics
and whether theological considerations must
be excluded in pursuit of neutrality. What
Levenson writes here seems to me helpful,
though he could have written at greater length
about the ways in which the claim of neutrality
is also a form of lack of self-awareness.
Once in a while Levenson makes state-
ments about subjects outside his specialty that
need as much qualification as he gives those
who happen to express themselves about
topics within his specialty. Thus he writes of
“the weak or non-existent sense of historical
change characteristic of pre-Enlightenment
thinking everywhere” (13). There is a con-
siderable body of scholarship on high medie-
val learned recognition of change. Another
limitation of the book is that when Levenson
refers to Christianity he seems commonly to
have Protestantism in mind. Thus he writes,
“It is… not surprising that the disputations
about grace and works, or faith and works, so
divisive of Christian communities over the
centuries and so typical of the history of
Christian thought into our own time find
scant parallel in the Jewish tradition” (58).
Yet these disputations are much more charac-
teristic of the centuries since Luther than they
are of all Christian history.
GLENN W. OLSEN
University of Utah, USA
Glenn.Olsen@utah.edu
© 2015, Glenn W. Olsen
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770.2015.1028013
The United States and Western Europe
since 1945: From “Empire” by Invitation
to Transatlantic Drift. By Geir Lundestad
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), xiii
+ 331 pp. $45.00 paper.
Transatlantic relations since 1945 have been the
subject of many books. Geir Lundestad has pro-
duced a fine, well structured and carefully
researched volume which provokes serious
thought and offers new insights on how the
relationship between the United States and
Western Europe after the Second World War
shifted from representing an “empire by invita-
tion” to “Transatlantic drift.” In the Introduc-
tion, Lundestad presents two main arguments.
The first is that after 1945 the United States
enjoyed an unprecedented position of strength
in postwar Europe, which was essential for
European recovery. He explains why he sees
the American “empire” as being different from
past empires. After all, independent countries
were preserved and nurtured by the United
States and, unlike traditional empires, the
American “empire” was not ruled directly from
an American imperial capital. In fact, there was
no subjugation, but a realization by European
elites that American involvement would be
crucial for postwar European economic and
political reconstruction. The second argument
is that, at least in the early postwar years, Eur-
ope invited the United States to assume a
permanent role in Europe and, even after the
Cold War, when the United States reduced its
presence, old “invitations” for American
engagement were renewed.
Chapter 1, just four pages long, analyzes
the pre-1945 relationship between the United
States and Europe from a historical perspec-
tive. The United States we are told, was most
reluctant to become entangled in European
affairs because of differing views concerning
the friendliness and dependability of individ-
ual Great Powers and because its political
elites, shielded by two oceans, perceived the
country to be safe from direct attack. Many
saw American intervention in the First World
War as a mistake and, even towards the end
of the Second World War, Franklin
Roosevelt had no desire to become another
Woodrow Wilson.
Chapters 2 and 3 address the issue of
American-West European collaboration. As
Lundestad correctly states, collaboration based
on the “empire by invitation” concept was
established between 1945 and 1950. Between
1950 and 1962, an institutional framework
involving collective security (NATO) and
Western European integration were
supported by the United States in order to
counter potential Soviet expansionism in
Europe. Lundestad underscores the centrality
of West Germany both for collective security
and deeper European integration. Both chap-
ters analyze the period between 1945 and
1962 in meticulous detail.
Chapter 4 deals with President Charles
De Gaulle and his challenge to American
hegemony. Though France welcomed
American involvement in Europe in the early
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