Jurnal Psikologi, 2022 (April), Vol. 21(1), 23-34 23 UNDERSTANDING RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE: THE IMPACT OF AMBIVALENT SEXISM AND CONSERVATISM IN SURABAYA Adinda Dwi Wulandari, Margaretha Faculty of Psychology, Universitas Airlangga 4-6 Airlangga Rd, Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia 60155 margaretha@psikologi.unair.ac.id Abstract This study aims to analyze the impact of ambivalent sexism and conservatism on rape myth acceptance. Using a quantitative survey approach, this study assessed rape myth acceptance in a sample from Surabaya to represent urban societies in Indonesia. Ambivalent sexism towards women is constructed with hostile sexism (women are cunning) and benevolent sexism (women are weak and should be protected), measured by the Extended Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (α = .88). The Conservatism Scale measured beliefs to maintain traditional values and oppose changes (α = .77). Rape myth acceptance was measured by a vignette scale developed by researchers with two scenarios: the victim is familiar or non-familiar to the perpetrator (α = .87). Data from 381 respondents aged 18-40 years were collected and analyzed using Pearson correlation, ANOVA, t-test, and hierarchical linear regression. Results show that rape myth acceptance familiar scenario is influenced by conservatism and hostile sexism (R 2 = .11; F(4, 380) = 12.49 p < .001). Rape myth acceptance non-familiar scenario is also influenced by conservatism and hostile sexism (R 2 = .15; F(4, 380) = 17.14, p < .001). Individuals who hold hostile sexism attitude toward women and rigidly maintain traditional values tend to believe in rape myths. This research encourages structured and sustainable social interventions to dismantle rape myth acceptance, conservatism, and sexism towards women in Indonesian society. Keywords: rape myth acceptance; ambivalent sexism; conservatism INTRODUCTION Rather than receiving help, female sexual violence victims are often blamed and left unsupported. This circumstance is caused by biases and distorted attitudes towards violence toward women (Dworkin et al., 2019). Rape is one form of sexual violence against women in Indonesia (Komisi Nasional Perempuan; Komnas Perempuan, 2014). For example, the Records of Violence Against Women (CATAHU) showed Surabaya as the capital city of East Java, ranked third nationally with 1,944 cases (Komnas Perempuan, 2019). However, the reported cases do not reflect the actual number of sexual violence cases in Indonesia. Many cases are not reported as the victims are still struggling with post-rape psychological impacts such as anxiety, suicidal behavior, and fear of experiencing secondary victimization from the society (Komnas Perempuan, 2019; O'Donohue, 2019; Lusiana et al., 2017; Bieneck & Krahe, 2011). Secondary victimization from society makes rape-victims feel more psychologically burdened (Dworkin et al., 2019). Secondary victimization is negative treatment towards victims, either by blaming them as the cause of the rape, inquiring and criticizing their sexual behavior history, or discouraging them from prosecuting perpetrators (Connor et al., 2017). Secondary victimization is common in Indonesia; for instance, the chairman of the House of Representatives of the Republic Indonesia (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat) and one official from a university in Indonesia stated rape as a voluntary reaction by men who are tempted by the appearance of their victims. Such a biased statement indicates a victim-blaming attitude, where the attribution of responsibility is placed on the victim but not on the rapist (Bruggen & Grubb, 2014; Yolandasari & Sumampouw, 2013).