https://doi.org/10.1177/1177180119876679
AlterNative
2019, Vol. 15(3) 261–270
© The Author(s) 2019
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DOI: 10.1177/1177180119876679
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Indigenous young people in Canada who trade sex frequently
move locations as part of their survival tactics in negotiating
the myriad vulnerabilities they face.
1
Both Canadian law and
social activists label all such mobility “trafficking”, which
conceals the ways in which Indigenous youth are forced by
structural factors beyond their control to be mobile in order
to survive. We examine the two most prominent, but politi-
cally opposed, frameworks that attempt to understand and
advocate for the needs of sex trading Indigenous youth.
While each narrative explains some vulnerabilities faced by
these young people, both overlook others.
Understanding structurally induced vulnerability as rooted
in historical and on-going colonialism, we posit mobility and
sex trading as strategic responses to the material and ideologi-
cal conditions faced by Indigenous young people—but strate-
gic responses rooted in vulnerability and rife with exploitation.
2
We resist efforts by recent governments and some anti-traf-
ficking non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to subsume
all forms of sexual and labour exploitation under the umbrella
of “trafficking”. The meaning of trafficking is nebulous, and it
often pathologizes Indigenous young people’s movement to
urban areas while obscuring the structural causes of their
migration and institutional entanglement. Our analysis unites
the strengths of the two existing frameworks while foregoing
an over-reliance on carceral solutions to problems of inequal-
ity and remaining sensitive to the structural location of youth
who trade sex as opposed to their adult counterparts.
Ultimately, we argue that mobility is a response to vulnerabil-
ity rather than its source.
Context: shifting definitions of
“trafficking”
Canada amended its Immigration and Refugee Protection
Act to include the offence of human trafficking in 2002, and
also added trafficking-related provisions to the Criminal
Code in 2005. In line with expanding legal definitions in
other nations of the Global North, the Criminal Code no
longer requires that a victim of trafficking be physically
moved (Sikka, 2009). Instead, section 279.04 of the
Criminal Code states, “Trafficking in persons is about
exploitation,” substituting the purpose (exploitation) for the
means (movement). Eliminating transportation from the
definition of trafficking has enabled a conflation of this
crime with what is commonly known as pimping (Roots &
De Shalit, 2015). In addition, trafficking has now sup-
planted “youth prostitution” and “commercial sexual
exploitation of children” as the dominant way of under-
standing young people’s engagement in sex trades (Hunt,
2015, p. 29) both to highlight youth victimization and for
groups to be eligible for government research and service
funding. In addition, the issue of “missing and murdered
Structural intersectionality and
Indigenous Canadian youth who
trade sex: understanding mobility
beyond the trafficking model
David Allan Jun-Rong Ting
1
and Carisa R Showden
1
Abstract
Indigenous young people in Canada who trade sex frequently move locations as part of their survival tactics in negotiating
the myriad vulnerabilities they face. Both Canadian law and social activists label all such mobility “trafficking”, which
conceals the ways in which Indigenous youth are forced by structural factors beyond their control to be mobile to
survive. Two politically opposed frameworks have been offered for understanding sex trading by Indigenous youth.
While each explains some vulnerabilities faced by these young people, both overlook others. We posit mobility and
sex trading as strategic responses to the material and ideological conditions faced by Indigenous young people, but
strategic responses rooted in vulnerability and rife with exploitation. Ultimately, we argue that mobility is a response to
vulnerability rather than its source.
Keywords
Canada, Indigenous youth, intersectionality, mobility, sex trades, traffcking
1
School of Social Sciences, The University of Auckland, New Zealand
Corresponding author:
Carisa R Showden, School of Social Sciences, The University of
Auckland, Private Bag 92019, Auckland 1142, New Zealand.
Email: c.showden@auckland.ac.nz
876679ALN 0 0 10.1177/1177180119876679AlterNativeTing and Showden
research-article 2019
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