African Affairs, 114/457, 577-597 doi: lo.KM/afra&dvfrø
© The Author 2015. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of Royal African Society. All rights reserved
Advance Access Publication 12 August 2015
AUTOCRATIC LEGACIES AND STATE
MANAGEMENT OF ISLAMIC ACTIVISM
IN NIGER
Sebastian Elischer*
ABSTRACT
In contrast to similar organizations in its neighbouring countries, Niger’s
domestic Salafi associations have remained peaceful and apolitical. Drawing
on historical institutionalist scholarship and on recent conceptualizations of
the state as a religious actor, this article examines how the Nigerien state has
tried to regulate religious practices since Seyni Kountché’s military coup in
1974. It argues that the institutional regulation of religious practices is one
important variable that accounts for Niger’s deviant trajectory. During
Niger’s autocratic period (1974-91), the government established the
Association islamique du Niger (AIN) as the sole legal authority regulating
access to Niger’s Friday prayer mosques. Committed to peaceful and apolit
ical interpretations of the Koran, the AIN confined access to Niger’s reli
gious sphere to local clerics and Sufi brotherhoods. After the breakdown of
autocratic rule in 1991, the AIN served as a religious advisory body.
Salafi associations could assemble freely but had to abide by certain criteria.
Confronted with the prospect of Islamic violence in 2000, the Nigerien state
intervened in Niger’s religious sphere in several ways. Among other initia
tives, the government began to resurrect a more rigorous system of religious
supervision in order to monitor religious practices on an ongoing basis.
Increasingly in recent years, the sahel region has become the site
of large-scale Salafi violence. Algeria experienced a long and deadly conflict
between its state forces and the Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat,
which later transformed into Al Qaeda of the Islamic Maghreb, a trans-
Sahel jihadi group.
1
In Nigeria, the emergence of the Yan Izala movement
provided the theological grounds for the spread of Boko Haram.
2
Most
*Sebastian Elischer (sebastian.elischer@gmail.com) is Assistant Professor of Comparative
Politics at the University of Florida. He would like to thank the two reviewers and the editors of
African Affairs for their invaluable input, as well as Matthijs Bogaards, Ann Wainscott, and
Brandon Kenthammer for commenting on previous versions of the article.
1. Claire Heristchi, ‘The Islamist discourse of the FIS and the democratic experiment in
Algeria’, Democratization 11,4 (2004), pp. 111-32.
2. Muhammad Sani Umar, ‘The popular discourses of Salafi radicalism and Salafi counter
radicalism in Nigeria: A case study of Boko Haram’, Journal of Religion in Africa 42, 2 (2012),
577
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